RADICAL MOVES
Radical social movements since 2000 (from every country, in alphabetical order)
Spontaneous Movement of Afghan Women (SMAW) was created in 2021 to protest the return of policies and practices against women rights and fundamental freedoms. organizing numerous public protests despite the risks involved. The grassroots movement that is the SMAW quickly grew momentum in Kabul and other provinces, now counting 180 members and having mobilized communities to resist the Taliban’s policies and practices.
NISMA THURJE #initiative is a political movement in Albania founded after the student protests of 2018 and led by Endrit Shabani. The initiative was instrumental in exposing the corruption and collusion in the incinerator scandal. Thurje turned into the most popular grass-roots movement of young people, organizing various massive protests mounting pressure on corrupted politicians holding them accountable to their constituencies. Nisma has shown a constructive approach, proposing a better solution to the issue they raise, managing to bring forward several legal initiatives, some of which have turned into laws and bylaws, and even amendments to the Albanian Constitution.
Revolution of Smiles ( Hirak ) Students were fed up with a stagnant and corrupt government, and when then President Abdelaziz Bouteflika put his name on the ballot for a potential fifth term in office, students flocked to the streets in organised, peaceful protests. They marched in their thousands to demand change and more opportunities for young Algerians. Their protests spread like wildfire on social media, until millions of people of all generations flooded Algerian cities with flags and banners demanding the whole system change. The demonstrations united the whole country, from the young and disenfranchised to the older battle-weary generation who lived through French-colonised Algeria, independence and a civil war. Algerians marched to see real change in their lifetimes, to witness the biggest country in Africa rise from systemic corruption and walk out of the shadows of civil war. It is without doubt a rare and historic revolution. It started and has remained peaceful, it toppled a sitting President, put many corrupt officials in prison. In fact, the revolution has been nicknamed the Revolution of Smiles because of its positive, peaceful energy and shared humanitarian goals.
The Stop Violences Association was born in 2014 in Andorra, by women who have experienced various types of violence during their lives. Stop Violencies' goal is to fight for women's human rights. It carries out workshops, awareness-raising and violence-preventing projects as well as classes in self-defense. And above all, we fight for rights and assist women who are in violent situations In short, we want to be a meeting point for all people in the country who want a better society, a country free of violence.
("Cultural Agitators Association"), which is considered the largest youth movement in the province of Benguela, builds upon Article 27 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to promote culture and human rights in Angola. Cultural Agitators Association provides education and raise awareness on gender equity and violence against women by offering workshops, talk shows, and community-based movie viewings that address those issues.
The Barbudan independence movement is a political movement that seeks the independence of Barbuda from Antigua. Barbudan independence would allow Barbudans to exercise their right to self-determination, especially after the start of the Barbuda land crisis. On 3 November 1981, two days after the independence of Antigua and Barbuda, a protest was led by Sir Hilbourne Frank, and people marched through the streets of Codrington. Frank claimed that 75% of people on the island supported Barbudan secession. In 2024, Barbuda Council chairperson Devon Warner stated that all of the members of the Barbuda Council were still in support of secession. As of December 2024, all members of the Barbuda Council are a part of the pro-independence Barbuda People's Movement.
The Marea Verde (Green Wave) is a feminist movement that emerged in Argentina and spread across Latin America, addressing gender-based violence (GBV), femicide, and reproductive rights, Symbolized by the green handkerchief. Through mass protests and social media activism, the Marea Verde has achieved groundbreaking legislative victories, including the decriminalization of abortion in Argentina (2020) The Marea Verde has profoundly shaped the region's approach to international security by challenging the traditional, state-centric view and advocating for a human-centric perspective. It has pushed for the inclusion of GBV, reproductive rights, and human rights as core components of security, emphasizing the safety, autonomy, and dignity of women and marginalized groups. Through its relentless activism, the Marea Verde has redefined what it means to create a secure and just society for all.
The Velvet revolution happened In 2018, when Armenians peacefully ousted their government in a fast-moving decentralised revolution. The protests were characterized by a deliberate openness and non-violence. Anyone who wished to join was welcomed with an 'open arms' policy. The decision to decentralise the movement, ended up being critical to the revolution's success.
Aboriginal Lands Right Movement. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders have spent decades reclaiming their ancestral lands through strikes, protests, and petitions as part of the Aboriginal Land Rights Movement. including The Aboriginal Tent Embassy, a permanent protest occupation site as a focus for representing the political rights of Aboriginal Australians and Torres Strait Islander people. Established on 26 January (Australia Day) 1972, and celebrating its 50th anniversary in 2022, it is the longest continuous protest for Indigenous land rights in the world. As of 2020, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples' rights and interests in land are formally recognised over around 40 per cent of Australia's land mass, and sea rights have also been asserted in various native title cases
Neighbors in Vienna is a young organisation founded in Vienna by Christine Scholten and the social worker Renate Schnee. Their admirable project "Nachbarinnen" (The Neighbours) addresses multidimensional aspects of the integration of immigrants into Austrian society. The organisation is a fully practical response to the needs of immigrant families, encouraging their participation in social life in Austria and instructing them on essential systemic issues related to health and education so that they can efficiently benefit from the available opportunities. The projects aims not only to help meet the core needs of immigrants but goes further, sparking potential ideas of how to enrich the life of an immigrant with positive experiences and to enable full integration in order to avoid the phenomenon of "parallel societies". The Neighbours are female facilitators who speak Turkish, Arabic, Somalian and Chechen. The project is a clear manifestation of solidarity in its most humane form. At the heart of it lies the remarkable idea of helping others to self-help.
Women's rights activists in Azerbaijan have been actively pushing for change through various strategies and initiatives. Advocacy and lobbying efforts, Awareness-raising campaigns, Mobilizing grassroots movements, Legal challenges, International cooperation, Overall, women's rights activists in Azerbaijan have been persistent and resilient in their efforts to advocate for gender equality and social change. The Azerbaijan Feminist Group is an organization sharing feminist concepts and debates to women in Azerbaijan, over equality under the law and access to equal opportunities in practice for women in Azerbaijan. The organization created a women's library for women's issues, thought and theory. The library is accessible to women in Azerbaijan working with women's issues, human rights, or simply interested to know more about women's issues. Gulnara Mehdiyeva is an activist and journalist reporting on LGBTQIA+ and women's rights issues in Azerbaijan. Ms Mehdiyeva is a prominent figure in Azerbaijan: she is editor-in-chief of the country's only LGBTQIA+ publication. She is also a founding member of advocacy groups dedicated to assisting women and girls subject to domestic violence. Gulnara Mehdiyeva is a prominent women's rights defender, active member of the Azerbaijani feminist community and an anti-war activist. She has been one of the organizers of the women's marches on International Women's Day in Baku in 2019 and 2020, as well as numerous other protests on issues such as domestic violence, femicide and other human rights violations.
Bahamas Plastic Movement (BPM), an organization that raises awareness and finding solutions to plastic pollution. Bahamas Plastic Movement believes that through research, education, citizen science & policy change, we can create a healthy marine and terrestrial environment free of plastic pollution. In 2020, a plastic ban was set in place, to forbid single-use plastic bags, straws, food utensils, and styrofoam cups and food containers from being "imported, distributed, or sold anywhere in the Commonwealth of The Bahamas."
2011 Bahraini uprising was a series of anti-government protests from 2011 until 2014. Mass protests in 2011 were fueled by mounting discontent over the state's authoritarianism, sectarianism in government employment and benefits, and refusal to provide accountability for torture and arbitrary detention. Women and youth were at the forefront of Bahrain's uprising in February 2011, and are at the heart of the ensuing movement for radical change. Women's participation in protests and demonstrations in Pearl Roundabout surpassed all expectations. There are estimates that 35 percent of participants were women, despite the traditional context whereby women are not encouraged to mix with men. More important was their unprecedented participation; women mounted the stage and addressed the mixed public as orators, lecturers, poets, chanters, organisers, and decision makers.
The July Revolution was also known as the Student-People's uprising. The July-August Revolution of 2024 stands as a remarkable chapter in Bangladesh's history, demonstrating the power of youth activism and democratic aspirations. This historic movement, primarily led by students and young professionals, successfully challenged and ultimately overthrew a 15-year-old authoritarian regime. the protests quickly gained momentum as the July uprising spread throughout the nation. The government's heavy-handed response, characterized by excessive force and numerous casualties among protestors, fueled public outrage. Citizens from all walks of life, including professionals, activists, and ordinary people, joined the movement in solidarity. The July Uprising transcended student activism, becoming a national movement for social justice and equality. The July Uprising left an enduring legacy in Bangladesh. It demonstrated to the world the transformative power of peaceful protest and the critical role of citizen participation in shaping a nation's future. The movement served as a catalyst for political change, paving the way for a more democratic and just Bangladesh. It inspired a new generation of activists who continue to strive for social progress and equality.
The Belarusian partisan movement, sometimes called the Belarusian Civil War, is an ongoing campaign of resistance against the authoritarian regime of Alexander Lukashenko. Several key opposition groups aligned with the Coordination Council were formed in the autumn of 2020, such as the Belarusian Cyber Partisans. The Belarusian Cyber Partisans is a decentralized anonymous hacktivist collective known for its various cyber attacks against the authoritarian Belarusian government. Throughout the year, partisans participated in blocking railways, destroying CCTV, damaging infrastructure used by the regime, and actions against regime officials. Joining were groups such as Busly liaciac, "The storks are flying' a Belarusian opposition resistance group creating street art, flash mobs and minor sabotage. And another joining group was BYPOL, a Belarusian organization created by former employees of law enforcement agencies to counter the Belarusian authorities, The unification of law enforcement officers who do not support the government into an organized structure, ready to overthrow the current government in Belarus.
In mid-January 2022, the Cyber Partisans launched a cyberattack on infrastructure of Belarusian Railways, severely delaying the movement of Russian transport in Belarus; they stated they would decrypt the systems upon the release of 50 prisoners and Russian troops being removed from Belarus. During the Battle of Kyiv, BYPOL and Belarusian partisans published information on how to disable railway signalling boxes, which severely disrupted the Russian logistic network. The Belarusian Partisan movement is ongoing, and will play an important role in the evolution of Belarusian politics in the coming years.
BelRefugees is a Brussels-based citizen platform dedicated to welcoming and supporting people undergoing migration. Its commitment is not limited to one-off help: it intervenes at every stage of their integration. Maximilian Park in Brussels was the site of a makeshift refugee camp in 2015, when the institutional reception system was insufficient to provide shelter for arriving asylum seekers. Local volunteers stepped in, forming the 'Citizens' Platform' and organizing the space. The camp became a space of humanitarian care, but also a space of encounter and communal activities, where normative categories of citizenship and care became blurred, allowing for an alternative refugee reception. For a more open and inclusive society towards people in migration, the Citizen Platform - BELRefugees mobilized and federated citizen to transform societal representations and attitudes about people in migration and to contribute to offering a response to their needs that is fundamentally human and of quality by developing, if necessary, new solutions.
United Belize Advocacy Movement, UNIBAM is the oldest and only LGBT led policy and advocacy non-governmental organization in Belize. Its broad theme of focus is health and human rights. Its mission is to be an Advocacy Organization that uses rights-base approaches to reduce stigma and discrimination. On July 2010, Caleb Orozco (UNIBAM's co-founder) filed a suit to challenge the constitutionality of Section 53 of the Criminal Code, which imposes up to ten year prison sentences for same-sex consensual sexual relations. On 10 August 2016, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of Caleb Orozco, striking down the law. Orozco's is the first legal challenge to the criminalisation of consensual same sex intercourse in Caribbean history, establishing an important precedent for a region where the vast majority of countries still retain similar laws in their statutes.
Songhai, a zero waste farm in Benin, founded by Godfrey Nzamujo, is an agriculture system that would not only increase food security, it would also help the environment and create jobs. Zero waste agriculture, a type of sustainable farming, takes these principles even further by introducing a regenerative loop, where waste in one area produces feed, fuel or nutrients for another. Songhai has several "eco-literacy" development programs. They range from 18-month training courses for farmer-entrepreneurs, to shorter stays to learn techniques like irrigation. People come from all over the world to study Nzamujo's methods. After seeing success on his first zero waste farm, he expanded throughout Benin and western Africa. Today, the Songhai model is implemented across the continent, including in Nigeria, Uganda, Sierra Leone and Liberia. Nzamujo says they've trained more than 7,000 farmer-entrepreneurs and more than 30,000 people in total since it began. Nzamujo believes zero waste agriculture is now steadily tackling the issues he set out to defeat three decades ago: hunger, unemployment and environmental degradation. And he wants to see it go further.
Bhutanese Refugees Aid for Victims of Violence (BRAVE), a self-help organization dedicated to assisting affected refugees from Bhutan. BRAVE facilitates counseling and training in all eight of the Bhutanese refugee camps in Nepal.
The Coalition in Defense of Water and Life, known as La Coordinadora, led demands for the water system to stay under local public control, after Bolivia tried to privatize it's water system. Thousand of citizens protested for weeks. Eventually La Coordinadora won its demands when the government turned over control of the city's water system, including its $35 million debt, to the organization and cancelled the privatization contract. La Coordinadora achieved the first major victory against the global trend of privatizing water resources.
Bridge of Brave Women, was a group of women from the village of Kruscica in Bosnia and Herzegovina who occupied a bridge over their river for over 500 days and nights - despite violent eviction attempts by the police and even during the long, cold winter. Their actions thereby prevented the construction of two hydropower plants which would have caused environmental damage to the region. The 503-day blockade of heavy equipment resulted in the cancellation of permits for two proposed dams on the Kruscica River in December 2018. The Balkans are home to the last free-flowing rivers in Europe, with thousands of miles of pristine rivers, and thanks to those like the Bridge of Brave Women, they have been protected.
First People of the Kalahari (FPK), which was set up in 1991 to campaign for the Bushmen's human rights, and especially their land rights. was a local advocacy organisation in Botswana that worked for the rights of the indigenous San who had been forced by the Government of Botswana to resettle to the new built town of New Xade. In December 2006, after a four year long trial, Botswana's High Court ruled in favour of the Bushmen. The judges ruled that their eviction by the government was ‘unlawful and unconstitutional’, and that they have the right to live inside the reserve, on their ancestral land.
The June 2011 Public Sector workers strike of up to 100,000 workers, has inscribed a meaningful chapter in the history of the labour Movement in Botswana. It stands as an important landmarks in the development of working class struggles in post-colonial Botswana. In the face of intimidation, threats and outright repression by the state workers stood their ground to back their demand for increase of their salaries by engaging in strike action for more than a month. The energetic fighting spirit displayed by the workers during the strike was all the more remarkable taking into account the fact that most of those involved were relatively young recently unionised workers who had never engaged in any strike action before. The case of the striking workers was very reasonable and justified. That they are not having been awarded any increment in the past three years their real wages have effectively fallen, and they are increasingly finding it difficult to make ends meet in the face of escalating fuel and transport costs and spiraling food prices. The strike of public sector workers in Botswana ended after nine weeks. Although they demanded a 16% increase, they still won an agreement of a 3% pay increase. Previously, on the advice of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, the government had refused to offer any increase despite significant rises in the cost of living. In an effort of intimidation tactics by the government intended to force workers to concede defeat, the government dismissed a majority of the workers, Nonetheless, workers defied the government and blatantly disregarded its intimidation, threats and outright repression. In another victory, on June 2012 the mass dismissals were judged illegal by the High Court and all the affected workers were ordered to be reinstated. This strike proved victorious in favor of the strikers. The experience gained from the strike is instructive for the many ordinary workers involved in it. A strike welds workers together, fuses their will and enhances their class consciousness.
Brazil's Landless Workers Movement, Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) in Portuguese, is a mass social movement, formed by rural workers and by all those who want to fight for land reform and against injustice and social inequality in rural areas. The MST was born through a process of occupying latifundios (large landed estates) and became a national movement in 1984. For over more than two decades, the movement has led more than 2,500 land occupations, with about 370,000 families - families that today settled on 7.5 million hectares of land that they won as a result of the occupations. Through their organizing, these families continue to push for schools, credit for agricultural production and cooperatives, and access to health care. Currently, there are approximately 900 encampment holding 150,000 landless families in Brazil. Those camped, as well as those already settled, remain mobilized, ready to exercise their full citizenship, by fighting for the realization of their political, social economic, environmental, and cultural rights.
The Brunei Project is an independent human rights initiative that has been actively monitoring and raising awareness about human rights issues in Brunei since May 2015. The Brunei Project also provides development opportunities for local human rights advocates through independent projects and collaboration with like-minded organisations regionally and internationally. This has included holding Brunei's first ever event to mark the International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia and Biphobia (IDAHOT) in 2016.
The Brunei Project is continuing to engage with regional and international human rights movements and welcomes further opportunities for collaboration with like-minded groups.
The Bulgarian Helsinki Committee works to promote human rights, stimulate legislative reform to bring Bulgarian legislation in line with international human rights standards and carry out advocacy to make human rights protection mechanisms widely accessible. It was established on 14 July 1992 as an independent non-governmental organisation for the protection of human rights.
The Collective Against Impunity and Stigmatization of Communities (CISC) is a Burkinabe organization founded in 2019 by a coalition of civil society organizations and individuals committed to peace and social justice. The Collective was established in response to the escalating security crisis in Burkina Faso, which led to ethnic stigmatization and communal massacres, severely impacting social cohesion and stability. Its mission is to combat injustice in all its forms and to promote, protect, and defend the rights of all Burkinabe citizens without distinction. CISC is represented across all regions of Burkina Faso through regional coordination and trained monitors for data collection. It has since its foundation employed various means of action such as denouncing human rights violations, assisting victims and documenting cases of injustice, advocacy and awareness-raising. CISC takes a very humanistic and holistic approach to human rights work, focusing not just on holding perpetrators accountable, but seeking justice and healing for victims and rights holders
Maison Shalom is an organisation in Rugiyi, Burundi that works with orphans and other victims of the conflict, including child soldiers. Maison Shalom also runs a hospital and other healthcare projects offering healthcare, education, and culture to over 20,000 orphaned children amidst Hutu-Tutsi conflicts. Despite facing exile due to her opposition to President Pierre Nkurunziza's regime, Barankitse's impact continued to grow, with Maison Shalom expanding into a network of schools and hospitals. In 2015, she extended her efforts to support Burundian refugees in Rwanda through the Community Center Oasis of Peace in Kigali, emphasizing dignity and nurturing dreams.
Reach Out Cameroon, promotes women's and children's rights in conflict-affected areas and advances women’s participation in the peace-building process. It has served over 1,700,000 people in remote communities in the North West and South West regions since the Anglophone crisis started in late 2016.
Land Defenders and Sovereignty Movements: In recent years, grassroots movements and land defenders have emerged to challenge resource extraction projects and assert Indigenous sovereignty. These movements often focus on protecting traditional lands from development and advocating for the recognition of Indigenous self-determination.
One Victory was by the Tsilhqot’in Nation, located in British Columbia, who fought a prolonged legal battle to establish their land rights. The case centered on the claim to a large area of land in the central interior of British Columbia, which the Tsilhqot'in argued was their traditional territory and had been used and occupied for generations. The 2014 Supreme Court of Canada ruled in favor of the Tsilhqot’in Nation and was a landmark victory for Indigenous land rights. The court recognized the Tsilhqot’in’s title to a large area of land in British Columbia, 1,750 square kilometers of land, affirming their right to control and benefit from their traditional territories. This decision was groundbreaking, as it was the first time the Court had granted title to Indigenous land outside of a specific treaty agreement. It set a precedent for Indigenous land claims across Canada, affirming the legal recognition of Indigenous land rights and influencing subsequent legal and policy developments.
LGBT Association was launched in 2015 in Santiago, Cabo Verde to raise awareness of LGBTQ rights and fight discrimination based on sexual orientation, on gender equality and eliminating violence. Helen Tavares the founder says “Being LGBT means fighting against prejudice and violence every day,” - In June 2013, the country's first Pride week was held, the second on the African continent, during which it organised parades and a live music festival. In 2018, Cabo Verde became the first African country to sign the Equal Rights Coalition (Equal Rights Coalition - ERC, an intergovernmental organization of 42 member states dedicated to protecting the rights of LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex) people. It was the second African territory to legally recognize this right, preceded only by South Africa.
Mother Nature Cambodia is one of the country's leading civil society groups, working since 2012 with frontline human rights activists to protect Cambodia's environment. Mother Nature Cambodia's main mission is to assist and work alongside those Cambodians willing to take risks. Their main work focuses on exposing to large audiences the excesses, environmental destruction, and human rights abuses that all-too-often are linked to the out-of-control development the country has been seeing for over two decades. Despite being subjected to arbitrary harassment on a regular basis, Mother Nature Cambodia continues to strive forward, informing millions of Cambodians of what is truly happening in the name of so-called development. Victories are: To this day, the Areng Valley remains free from any large-scale 'development' project, without doubt a result of unity, innovation and bravery by countless people. However, the threats and challenges remain, and it is the responsibilities of all Cambodians to preserve this stunning terrain. After many years of suffering by thousands of fishing families living along the Cambodian coast, Large-scale dredging and export of marine sand used from Koh Kong's estuaries for reclamation purposes was officially banned in 2017.
Sangha Pangolin Project (Central African Republic) is situated in Dzanga-Sangha National Park, and based at the Sangha Biodiversity Lodge. This project is focused on rescuing pangolins from the illegal wildlife trade and releasing them when healthy. The lodge has received a large number of live pangolins from the bushmeat trade, which have been rehabilitated as best as possible and soft released. Pangolins have become an urgent conservation cause for The Sangha Pangolin Project, and they aim to protect and to increase the knowledge about them. The founders hire 50 local Ba’Aka hunters who subsistence-hunt in the area to run the hotel and help with construction and conservation. They also run projects in research and education of locals.
Chadian Association for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (abbreviated as ATDPH) is a human rights organization operating in Chad. ATDPH works towards getting people to know, claim and defend their rights, works towards respecting the rights of prisoners, respecting the dignity of women, and children's rights, awhile reducing impunity and torture. The Association has over 2000 activists who volunteer throughout the country, who help to develop and implement organisation's objectives, such as the creation of a national monitoring system on prison conditions, which includes training prisoners and prison wardens, or working against the slavery of children who are sold in markets to work as agricultural labourers by creating “circles of vigilance,” ATDPH helps through Awareness-raising for human rights, e.g. through a bimonthly paper Le Rougeau and leaflets in French and Arabic on torture, HIV/AIDS, or the rights of prisoners. And the ATDPH developes educational programmes in the regional chapters on human rights, and women rights, such as educating about legal means to prevent child marriage, and also seeking compensation for environmental damage from the Chad Cameroon Oil and Pipeline Project.
Estallido Social (social Outburst) happened in 2019, when Chile erupted in the largest uprising since the dictatorship. —the estallido was against all the abuses of neoliberalism, patriarchy, and the coercive state. The estallido was an accumulation of social struggles over the last two decades: movements for public pensions, housing, water, environmental justice, feminist and Mapuche (Indigenous) struggles, but most prominently, student movements which spawned new left parties and a left-party coalition, Frente Amplio (FA, “broad front”). Along with six months of demonstrations across Chile, it unleashed a flourishing of local spaces of popular participation and joy, grassroots assemblies, revolutionary culture, creative protest, community formations, and communal kitchens. A spirit of social solidarity and hope infused everyday life. The scale of the mobilizing helped to reject the ultra-right José Antonio Kast, ' and elect leftist Gabriel Boric.
The Dalian Environmental protest was the Dalian struggle of August 2011, when protests began in the city of Dalian in Liaoniang province, Northeast China, The protest began after Dalian residents became concerned about the potential spill of toxic chemical paraxylene (PX) from the Fujia chemical plant, following a heavy storm that had caused high waves to burst through the dike protecting the plant. Thousands of residents took to the streets in anger over the safety risks to which the plant exposed them. Many claimed that toxins had, in fact, leaked from the plant. They raised slogans demanding “PX out of Dalian” and “Refuse PX.” the widespread anger and resistance led authorities to order the Fujia petrochemical plant shut down immediately, a success for the protesters.
Steel Workers Revolt began The July 2009, with an anti-privatization struggle by steel workers at the state-owned Tonghua Steel Mill in Jilin province, which led to the death of a factory boss, resulted in a victory for the workers, and a worker victory in dropping the plans to buy out and privatize the mill.
The protest began when workers found out about plans that Jianlong Steel would take over and control the company. The workers resented this because when Jianlong bought a 36% share in Tonghua in September 2005, a wave of layoffs followed. In 2008, when Jianlong temporarily controlled the company, workers fared badly when steel prices had fallen.
Afraid of further job losses, workers took action as soon as they heard about the takeover of the steel mill, the only major employer in the city. On July 24, a worker who had been previously laid off hung a banner outside the main office building, saying “Jianlong, Get out of Tonghua.” Workers started to blockade a railway in order to stop supplies from reaching the mill. Approximately 30,000 present and former workers and their families were involved in the protest
Much of the workers’ anger had been specifically directed at their factory boss, Chen Guojin, who had first come to Tonghua in 2006, not long after Jianlong first purchased a stake in the company. He was resented not only as the representative of Jianlong but also because of his tough disciplinarian style and the pay differential between management and themselves. One 2008 report claimed, for instance, that while Chen was paid three million yuan, some of the company retirees were receiving as little as 200 yuan per month.
During the protest the steel workers beat Chen to death. Just hours later, Jianlong withdrew their offer to buy the mill. The struggle successfully halted Jianlong’s privatization.
The Umbrella movement protests started in response to a decision made by China that would allow elections in Hong Kong in 2017, but only from a list of candidates pre-approved by the Chinese government. The Umbrella Movement was nicknamed so because protesters would use umbrellas to protect themselves from the tear gas used by police. The umbrella became an international symbol of peaceful resistance, in a fight for Hong Kong’s sovereignty and freedom. It did more than any other event to promote a politically conscious and active citizenship, and this especially amongst a huge majority of young people — upwards of 80 to 90 percent — who are in favor of democracy and genuine autonomy. It raised the political awareness of Hong Kong people generally, and especially that of many previously apolitical people. They realized how emotionally attached to Hong Kong they are. They strongly identify with it and want to defend it. The Umbrella Movement de-legitimized Communist Party rule and made people see more clearly than ever before what the Party was doing to Hong Kong. The movement’s art, creativity, collaboration, egalitarianism, communalism, emphasis on values other than the economic, idealism, generosity of spirit and action, dedication, commitment to the common good, to ideals higher than oneself, one’s pocketbook, one’s family, opened Hong Kong people’s eyes to one another, to a common identity both already existing and still emerging, and to the possibilities of a truly self-governed, democratic Hong Kong.
Again the people of Hong Kong protested in 2019-2020, in a large series of demonstrations against the Hong Kong government’s introduction of a bill that would have made it legal for Hong Kong to extradite criminal suspects to mainland China. These protests were the largest in the history of Hong Kong. Protestors objected to the proposed bill on the grounds that the mainland PRC "justice system is marked by torture, forced confessions, arbitrary detentions and unfair trials." There were massive street protests and violent attacks by the police, with the 16 June protest consisting 30% (according to the organizers) of the full 7 million population of Hong Kong. Months of demonstrations convinced the then Hong Kong leader Carrie Lam to suspend the bill.
The Guardia Indígena, the indigenous guard of the Cauca region, consists of approximately 2,000 members, women, men, boys and girls, made up of the 19 different indigenous communities living in the Cauca region. The Guardia patrols the indigenous territory, reports suspicious activity or people, and plays a leadership role in protecting the Nasa people, sometimes ushering them out of erupting violence in their settlements or trying to negotiate with the guerrillas or army to leave the territory. Their primary symbol of authority is a wooden staff adorned with red and green ribbons, symbolizing blood and earth. their staves are ancestral symbols of authority endowing strength deeper than the crude force of weaponry. This nonviolent force employs strategies of dialogue and negotiation, a method they refer to as ‘Active Neutrality’, to engage with various armed groups. Their approach has been effective in preventing these groups from taking control of their territories and was recognized with Colombia’s National Peace Prize in 2004.The success of the Indigenous Guard’s peaceful methodology has led to its adoption in other regions of Colombia. Now numbering 60,000 active members nationwide, with 13,000 in Cauca, the Guard’s influence extends beyond the Nasa community. An impressive achievement on behalf of the Guardia Indígena was accomplished in the Spring of 2011, when the guards successfully fended off an illegal gold-mining operation that would have otherwise caused major environmental destruction.
Comoros is a country of several small islands off the coast in East Africa, that are exposed to climate disruptions, which creates the need for Eco-action. The Eco-Waste project led by Lydia Halidi, an environmental biologist, promotes environmental education among the inhabitants of of Mutsamudu in order to develop responsible and committed eco-citizenship behaviour. She vigorously advocates for the fight against ocean plastic pollution and climate change. Lydia is working with local communities on mangrove reforestation and leading an awareness campaign on the impacts of deforestation and climate change, and inspiring others to take action, on a local and global level. , Lydia Halidi reiterates the importance of strengthening the resilience of local communities through tangible measures. Improving infrastructure, restoring coastal ecosystems, including reforestation of mangroves and preservation of coral reefs, are possible short-term initiatives, she said. In addition to protecting the coasts from erosion and storms, these actions promote biodiversity and strengthen the Community link.
Ligue Ivoirienne des Droits des Femmes (Ivorian League for Women's Rights ) in Côte d'Ivoire is a feminist organization created by young Ivorian women engaged in the promotion of women's rights and the fight against violence against women. Women's empowerment in rural areas, Feminist Library with Feminist reading workshop , Created a March to the streets of Abidjan to say NO to violence against women. demand the most fundamental rights.
Coeur-Arc-ciel (Republic of Congo) headed by Jean-Claude Pongault, implemented a project from May 2022 to April 2023 to combat violence and discrimination of LGBT people based on sexual orientation and gender identity. to deliver prevention and awareness in the African context, Coeur-Arc-ciel developed plaidoy’art [an activist art contest, Art for the promotion of human rights, to ensure recognition of the importance of the work done by committed artists who advocate through art. The aim was being more accessible to the general public, and as a tool for de-Westernizing the countries battles and struggles. Included in the contest was: “liputalization” a play open to the public on the prevention of h.i.v. and the fight against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.
Autonomous Women's House Zagreb – Women Against Violence against Women (abbreviated AŽKZ is a non-governmental feminist organization with the aim of providing support and assistance to women survivors of violence and strengthening the female position in society. It was founded in 1990 in Zagreb, as the first shelter in Eastern Europe for women victims of violence. To this day, it functions as a shelter whose address was declared an official secret, and a legal and psychological counseling center for women and children victims of violence. It was founded at a time when violence against women and children was not talked about in Croatian society. Due to the lack of support from the authorities, the first area of the shelter was a squatted space owned by the City of Zagreb, where only volunteers and activists worked for the first three years. Over the years, AŽKZ has developed into a professional project in which educated workers work.
The main content of the AŽKZ activity is to provide support and assistance to women and their children who are exposed to physical and psychological domestic violence, as well as other forms of patriarchal violence, regardless of their nationality, religion, marital status, age, skin color, sexual orientation, or any other type of discrimination. Continuous professional work The Autonomous Women's House Zagreb affects the change in the practice of institutions in the treatment of victims of domestic violence, legislation regarding women's rights and the change in public opinion. As part of the Autonomous Women's House, Zagreb is also working on the Women's Counseling Center, which provides free, confidential and anonymous legal advice and provides psychological assistance for women and children victims of violence.
GREEN ACTION is a leading non-governmental organisation for environmental protection in Croatia. Its activist approach in solving environmental problems enables its staff and volunteers to effectively deal with challenging and often, serious issues. Green Action was founded in 1990 and its headquarters are in Zagreb, Croatia. A small team of professionals supports the work of numerous volunteers and activists, who cover a wide range of topics in their work. Green Action is active on local, national and global levels and promotes the protection of nature and the environment, while advocating for sustainable development in Croatian and other communities. It also focuses on activities that foster public participation in decision-making processes with the aim of improving the quality of life in Croatia. Green Action is well known for its attractive and imaginative public advocacy actions and campaigns.
Ladies in White (Spanish: Damas de Blanco) is an opposition movement in Cuba founded in 2003 by wives and other female relatives of jailed dissidents and those who have been made to disappear by the government. The women protest the imprisonments by attending Mass each Sunday wearing white dresses and then silently walking through the streets dressed in white clothing. The color white is chosen to symbolize peace. The Damas march in silence dressed in white, bearing photographs of their imprisoned relatives and holding pink Gladiola flowers as a symbol of their efforts. The Ladies in White most recent project is called “Extending Our Hands” and is a great example of the type of work this group is doing around the island. This latest effort included providing school supplies and a bit of fun for children in need at the group’s headquarters and a nearby park. The funding for this project is from generous donations from Cuban exiles, organized by the Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba. The movement received the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought from the European Parliament in 2005.
AWAKE WITHIN THE WALLS: ) (2007-2011) was a citizens’ group set up to oppose the commercialization of the walled city of Nicosia, a grassroots engagement, from people who consciously chosen to live in the historic center of Nicosia. experiencing all its unique qualities, its beauty and its problems on a daily basis. Awake within the Walls’ perspective and special awareness can contribute creatively and decisively to the life of the city. The citizens’ group “AWAKE WITHIN THE WALLS” has been formed with the purpose of playing an active role in community issues. This initiative aims to call on all those who live within the walls to help lay the foundations for a meaningful revitalization of the historic city. The immediate concern is the improvement of quality of life. This can only be accomplished through continuous and consistent care as well as the implementation of appropriate solutions to the serious problems of the area. And also finding ways to combat xenophobia and build bridges of communication between the "other" and the host community, and the creation of neighborhoods / nuclei of culture and ‘creative industries’ (art workshops, publishing houses, and more)
A Million Moments for Democracy' is a Czech political organisation, which has organized protests and demonstrations against the government of Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš and against the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. Its initial goal was a challenge to get one million signatures in support of Babiš's resignation, in protest at his staying in office while the subject of a police investigation, and his previous activities as an operative of the State Security services (STB) under the former communist regime.
Danner is a leading advocacy organization and women’s shelter in Denmark, providing safe housing, counseling, and legal aid for survivors of domestic violence. It ranks among the leading domestic abuse support in Denmark. Danner runs a crisis center, a telephone and chat counseling service, the outpatient counseling program Say it to someone and several aftercare initiatives. Danner organizes presentations, workshops and courses about violence across the country for a wide range of participants.
SOS Racism Denmark fights racial discrimination, xenophobia, and social injustice, promoting diversity and equal rights for all, dedicated to combating racism and discrimination in Denmark. This is done especially through raising awareness of the problems created by racism and discrimination and to create a more inclusive and just society. The organization is made up of volunteers who have a passion for making a difference. SOS is party politically independent and open to all democratic forces. With values include diversity, inclusion, equality, justice and human rights. Human rights are for everyone! SOS believe that everyone deserves respect and equal opportunities, and work hard for these goals.
Team Djibouti is an action group committed to democracy in Djibouti. Impact-driven in approach, Team Djbouti draws the world’s attention to the alarming human rights situation. Since the beginning of 2021, Team Djbouti initiated a direct outreach program that regularly provides Djiboutians with food, drinking water, clothes and temporary shelter requirements, Team Djibouti understands that aid needs to reach people directly, and so we work with local activists, opposition groups, and our volunteers on the ground to ensuring its safe disbursal and distribution. Team Djibouti take actions by First, by providing material help and support to human rights activists, opposition coalitions and members of the civil society. Besides promoting democracy and human rights, Team Djibouti regularly condemn violence, corruption and authoritarianism emanating from the regime. Second, we provide humanitarian relief — food, drinking water, clothes and temporary shelter — to Djiboutians in need, and also support, and help rehabilitate people subjected to indiscriminate torture and violence at the hands of the regime.
Minority Rights Dominica (MiRiDom), is a civil society organization that advocates for people in Dominica who are denied their human rights on the basis of their sexual orientation or gender identity. Advocating for LGBTQI+ rights in a small community like Dominica, with a population of only 70,000, has presented unique challenges. Many LGBTQI+ people have found it difficult to express their sexual orientation or gender identity for fear of criticism or victimization. Nevertheless, MiRiDom have persevered in its efforts to create a more inclusive and accepting environment. In a victory, on 22 April, 2024, the High Court of Dominica overturned a colonial-era ban on consensual same-sex relations. The ruling came in response to a civil society lawsuit, following in the footsteps of Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados and St Kitts and Nevis, where similar bans were struck down in 2022. Dominica’s civil society continues to work to win further rights, while seeking to shift social attitudes and behaviors and banish the stigma, discrimination and violence that limit access to legally recognized rights.
Dominica Conservation Association (DCA) - focuses on protecting the island's natural resources through advocacy, education, and community involvement. They have been instrumental in lobbying for environmental policies that safeguard biodiversity and promote sustainable development practices. The DCA also organizes community clean-up events and workshops to educate the public about conservation efforts. DCA’s president and trained agronomist, Atherton Martin talked with community leadership and forged a consensus in opposition to a copper mine that would have devastated 10% of the original tropical rainforests covering Dominica. He launched a successful petition drive and enlisted the support of thousands of Dominicans. Atherton Martin successfully protected this lush tropical island from being devastated by the major copper mine.
The 4 % movement which had its origins in the Dominican Teachers Union (Asociacion Dominicana de Profesores, ADP) was a response to the government’s failure to fulfill its obligation to abide by the General Law of Education of 1997, which called for appropriation of 4 % of the GDP (Gross Domestic Product ) for pre-university education. While most Latin American states spend on average 5 % of their GDP on pre-university education, the Dominican Republic had spent less than 2 %. As a result, school buildings, teachers’ salaries, and the quality of public education hit rock bottom, whereas the cost of private education skyrocketed. Under these circumstances, teachers could not support their families and were often forced to seek second jobs. At the end of 2006, Marfa Teresa Cabrera (2007-2009) was elected president of the teachers’ union and began a campaign for the 4 % for education along with various other civic organizations. this movement appealed to a broad representation of society. Cabrera succeeded in building a strong coalition that pushed the state to enforce the General Education Law And in 2013 the government began to enforce the General Law of Education.
The Marcha Verde movement emerged in 2017 to protest bribery on the part of the Brazilian transnational Odebrecht. The Movement empowered 25 protests in the provinces and large marches in July 2017 and August 2018. At the marches, many people who had never marched in their lives, particularly middle class citizens, marched. The reality of seeing so many people together fueled participation: A Gallup survey showed that 92% of the population supported Marcha Verde.
Having a group of rotating spokespeople as big and diverse as possible was a deliberate decision. The movement had four committees: one for content and analysis, which puts together our arguments and discourse; one for communications, made up mostly of young people and in charge of setting the media agenda; one for organization and networking, which organizes mobilization and extends our network through the territory; and one for funding and resourcing. This has allowed the movement to become operational.
The movements demands were 1. that a commission of independent prosecutors be formed to carry out the investigation and prosecution in the Odebrecht case and 2. also demanded that all officials who received bribes and all Odebrecht executives who paid them be identified and judicially charged, that all current Odebrecht contracts be canceled, that all public works done by the company be audited, and that all the money in bribes and overpricing be recovered. We also requested an investigation on illicit funding of electoral campaigns.
The movement included launching a “Green Book” that people could sign in street corners and town squares throughout the country, which got a massive response: within a few weeks we collected more than 300 000 signatures. The movement also launched a Green Flame campaign, which basically consisted of lighting a torch that would travel through the main provinces and towns focused on an action called "green neighborhoods", aimed at bringing the struggle for the end of impunity to the poorest sections of the population, which are in fact the most affected by the appropriation of public funds, the payment of bribes and the overpricing of public works. This is an educational and mobilization campaign that we run in the poorest neighborhoods, in the course of which we distribute flyers and talk to residents in order to show them what the relationship is between corruption and the lack of services that they experience.
While all the demands of the movement were not met, A result of the movement was that a $184-million fine to be paid by Odebrecht, and shortly afterwards arrest warrants were issued and executed against fourteen high-profile politicians, officials and former officials.
Goma Actif, is an independent, non-profit, non-political and non-religious citizens' initiative whose aim is to redefine humanitarian aid and development assistance. a collective of young people united in community organizations. The collective works in various fields such as humanitarian emergencies, environmental protection and humanitarian aid in the North Kivu region of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Goma Actif is committed to providing hot, nutritious meals to families in distress. Each bowl of porridge is a glimmer of comfort for those who face daily hardship. Sharing food is not just a humanitarian gesture, but also an opportunity to establish a strong human bond and rekindle hope. Whether it's basic foodstuffs, water, clothing, jerry cans, etc., every gesture is aimed at alleviating suffering. Goma Actif believes in the power of play and creativity to soothe hearts and strengthen bonds. Through recreational days, we offer moments of joy to children and adults affected by the challenges of war and conflict, poverty, etc. These precious moments enable everyone to escape and rebuild their lives. Goma Actif responds to the health needs of the underprivileged by organizing accessible medical clinics. These initiatives provide free consultations, essential medicines and preventive advice. Each intervention is a lifeline for families without access to medical care. Beyond treatment, we raise community awareness of the importance of preventive health for a better future. With playful workshops and adapted games, these activities are an invitation to rediscover hope and celebrate life, even in the most difficult situations. Goma Actif responds to the health needs of the underprivileged by organizing accessible medical clinics. These initiatives provide free consultations, essential medicines and preventive advice. Each intervention is a lifeline for families without access to medical care. Beyond treatment, we raise community awareness of the importance of preventive health for a better future.
The Cofán community Resistance Indigenous movement, spearheaded by Alex Lucitante and Alexandra Narvaez to protect their people’s ancestral territory from gold mining. Their leadership resulted in a historic legal victory in October 2018, when Ecuador’s courts canceled 52 illegal gold mining concessions, which were illegally granted without the consent of their Cofán community. The Court also ruled that the concessions violated the right to a healthy environment and clean water, calling for remediation of the area damaged by previous mining activity. All current mining operations were halted and pending concessions were canceled. The decision closed the door to gold mining in their homeland. The community’s legal success protects 79,000 acres of pristine, biodiverse rainforest in the headwaters of Ecuador’s Aguarico River, which is sacred to the Cofán.
The 2011 Egyptian revolution, also known as the 25 January Revolution, began on 25 January 2011 and spread across Egypt. The date was set by various youth groups to coincide with the annual Egyptian "Police holiday" as a statement against increasing police brutality during the last few years of Hosni Mubarak's presidency. It consisted of demonstrations, marches, occupations of plazas, non-violent civil resistance, acts of civil disobedience and strikes. Millions of protesters from a range of socio-economic and religious backgrounds demanding change and an end to Hosni Mubarak’s 30-year rule. The revolution succeeded in ousting Mubarak, Since then, Egypt experienced its first free and fair presidential election. Uprising remains a cherished memory and a source of inspiration for many Egyptians. Two key areas saw notable transformations: women’s rights and youth involvement. Women’s rights in Egypt gained momentum post-revolution. Activists pushed for gender equality. They sought better legal protections. The revolution raised awareness about gender-based violence and discrimination. Women began to demand more public and political roles. Several new laws were enacted. These laws aimed at protecting women’s rights. For instance, stricter penalties for sexual harassment were introduced. New initiatives focused on women’s education and health. The revolution created a platform for women’s voices. Youth involvement was a driving force of the revolution. Young people demanded change. They used social media to organize protests. Their energy and passion were evident. The revolution gave them a voice. Post-revolution, youth involvement continued to grow. Young leaders emerged in various sectors. They took on roles in politics, business, and activism. New youth organizations formed, focusing on social issues. Education and employment opportunities became key focus areas. The Egyptian Revolution sparked global interest. Countries around the world reacted in various ways. The international community’s responses ranged from support to concern.
The National Round table against Metallic Mining in El Salvador, was a coalition of environmental and social movement organizations, universities, water justice activists, faith communities, human rights defenders El Salvador became the first country in the world to pass a total ban on metal mining.
The water-intensive cyanide ore process used by companies like Pacific Rim—posed a significant threat to rural economies and local drinking water supplies. The average metallic mine uses 24,000 gallons of water per hour, or about what a typical Salvadoran family consumes in 20 years. Toxic runoff, spreading to the surrounding land, would contaminate rivers, creeks, and ground waters. The Cabañas region is also prone to earthquakes and torrential rains, further heightening public health and safety concerns.
The historic legislation to ban metal mining was the achievement of over a decade of community organizing and education, led principally by rural women. Without question one of the main pillars of the Salvadoran anti-mining movement’s victory in El Salvador was that they got organized and took action before the corporation could consolidate its presence on the ground. By creating a space for critical reflection on the impacts of mining, they were able to learn from both the experiences of neighboring countries, and from their own historical experiences with metal mining. The objectives of the anti-mining movement in El Salvador were clear from the beginning: a total rejection of mining– that local organizations and international allies were able to unite around one single demand. Based on this demand, narratives were developed highlighting, among other things, the importance of water above gold. This demand then had to be substantiated with a strong evidence base – built in alliance with national and international experts. While research and multiple studies relating to the unviability of mining in the country were carried out, there was also the task of confronting and dismantling a series of myths created by the company around development, job-creation, foreign investment.
EG Justice is an organization that focuses on human rights, anti-corruption, and rule of law initiatives in Equatorial Guinea,stands with the people of Equatorial Guinea to protect their rights and dignity as human beings. We root out and challenge corruption head on.
As the only human rights entity exclusively devoted to Equatorial Guinea, we are a bridge and a platform for changemakers to envision and build a just society.
Victims often lack the means to seek redress or denounce human rights violations domestically and/or internationally. Over 160 victims have been Represented
Over 150 human rights defenders have been trained. EG Justice works with family members, lawyers, and advocates to access judicial, quasi-judicial, and other remedies on behalf of the unjustly aggrieved, arrested, incarcerated, tortured, or killed. We invest in the next generation of anti-corruption, pro-democracy, and human rights defenders. EG Justice strongly believe change in Equatorial Guinea will happen from the bottom-up, and an informed and engaged citizenry is a quintessential component for such change Tutu Alicante is the founder and executive director of EG Justice, home to one of the world’s longest-ruling dictatorships. EG Justice often works with young, creative activists who use social media, theatre, comedy, hip hop, and other avenues to push back against one of the most oppressive dictatorships in the world. Tutu was an expert witness in 2019 in the groundbreaking case that convicted the Equatoguinean Vice President of embezzling and laundering public funds, which then confiscated all his ill-gotten assets and returned them to the public from whom they were stolen, for the benefit of Equatoguineans.
The Global Yiakl Eritrean Movement is a grassroots popular activism initiated by ordinary individuals who are passionate about political and social change in Eritrea. It is a movement aimed at bringing about peace, justice and democracy in Eritrea by mobilizing and uniting the Eritrean public at home and abroad to participate in national politics and to speak up for their rights and freedom. The Global Yiakl Eritrean Movement (GYEM) was launched in late 2018 following the signing of the so-called peace treaty between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Since then, the movement has gained support from Eritreans worldwide, including those inside the country. For the first time in history, the movement has succeeded in breaking the silence and the cycle of fear of speaking up against the dictatorial regime in Eritrea. Tens of thousands of ordinary Eritreans from all walks of life, at home and abroad, are voicing their support for the enough campaign and calling for justice and democracy in Eritrea openly on social media.
In a nutshell, the The Global Yiakl Eritrean Movement has achieved tremendous success in its short life time. The campaign succeeded in breaking the silence and fear of speaking up against the regime in Eritrea among tens of thousands of Eritrea. The campaign has given hope for Eritreans at home and abroad that political change and democracy may be coming in Eritrea. * Yiakl: In one of the spoken Eritrean languages spoken, Tigrinya, Yiakl means “Enough”)
Estonian Fund for Nature (ELF) is a NGO that seeks to resist developments that pose a systemic or very serious threat to the nature of our country. They are focused on the three major ecosystems of our nature: the forest, the sea and wetlands, and their creatures. Not only do they play a significant role in protecting Estonian land, but they also deal with climate change mitigation by monitoring the delivery of the Estonian state in setting environmental protection rules and compiling development plans for restoration of damaged areas and environmentally friendly behavior. The flying squirrel is the pride of Estonian forests - in Europe they can only be found in Estonia and Finland. a politically and economically independent organisation that provides society with the expertise necessary for nature conservation, which uses the best expertise, innovative solutions and everyone’s help in its work. ELF works each day to protect endangered species and their habitats, natural landscapes and communities characteristic of Estonia – the sea, wetlands, and forests. To this end, we contribute to the sustainable use of natural resources, increase environmental awareness and look for solutions to preserve a clean living environment for future generations.
The Swaziland Liberation Movement (SWALIMO) is a Non-Profit organisation (NPO) founded in June 2021. The Movement is a democratic, mass-based liberation movement that campaigns for the advancement of democracy, human rights, equality, justice, safety and dignity for the people of Swaziland.
The movement aims to promote the principles and ideals of social justice, which advocate for equal rights and equitable opportunities for all, equal access to wealth, health, well-being, justice, privileges, and opportunity regardless of the person’s social, legal, political, economic status. In fulfilling this aim, the SWALIMO seeks to lead and support the struggle of all democratic forces to eliminate the oppressive ESwatini’s absolute monarchical system of governance and replace it with a united, democratic ESwatini in which all the people shall govern and enjoy equal rights and freedoms collectively
Oromo protests, began when students across Oromia protested a plan to expand Addis Ababa by 1.1 million hectares deep into the neighboring Oromia region. Since then, an unprecedented wave of popular struggles have rocked Ethiopia. the protests were sparked by a government plan to expand the territorial and administrative limits of Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, into neighboring Oromo towns and villages, they were manifestations of long-simmering ethnic discontents buried beneath the surface. The Oromo are the single largest ethnic group in Ethiopia and East Africa, comprising more than 35 percent of Ethiopia’s 100 million people. Yet, Oromos have been the object of discriminatory and disproportionate surveillance, policing, prosecution and imprisonment under the guise of security and economic development. 2016, when hundreds of thousands of people marched in more than 200 towns and cities to resist the government’s draconian and ever-escalating repression.
The protests rose to global prominence when Feyisa Lilesa, an ethnic Oromo marathon runner, crossed his wrists above his head in an “X”, a gesture that came to define the Oromo protests, as he crossed the finishing line at the Rio Olympics to win the silver medal. This movement has already changed Ethiopia forever. It brought about a change of attitude and discourse in the Ethiopian society, repudiating the ideological proclivities and policies of the state. It enabled the society to see the government, its institutions, its symbols and its western enablers differently. Topics that used to be considered taboo only a year ago, such as the supremacy of ethnic Tigrean elites, are no longer off limits. In short, it enabled suffering to speak.
Chuuk Women's Council is a women's rights organization in Chuuk State in the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM). Founded in 1984, it represents over sixty women's groups spread across the state, and actively campaigns for greater gender equality, as well as running programs that promote women’s leadership, education on health and gender issues, environmental conservation, and the preservation of traditional and cultural crafts. The CWC ran a successful campaign for the age of consent in the Federated States of Micronesia to be raised from thirteen to eighteen years of age. Chuuk Womens’s Council provides free counseling and support to survivors of domestic violence, rape, sexual harassment and child sexual abuse. The CWC has also campaigned for greater involvement of women's organizations in discussion about climate crisis. They have also undertaken research into community awareness of water conservation, and have run environmental initiatives based on waste management, home gardening, and mangrove planting.
The Vatukoula mine strike was a 33-year strike by miners at the Vatukoula mine in Fiji over poor working and social conditions, from 1991 to 2024. The strike was the longest in Fijian history and one of the longest strikes in world history. The workers have held out thanks to donations of cash and produce from other Fijian unions and from farmers and the public throughout the islands. In June 2024, after more than 33 years, an agreement was reached to end the strike. Included in the agreement was a $9.2 million settlement to be paid to the surviving striking miners and also, the Prime Minister of Fiji Sitiveni Rabuka issued a formal apology to the miners on behalf of the Fijian government "for the prolonged wait they have endured," saying that the miners "have shown us the true meaning of strength and determination, and [their] fight for justice is an inspiration to us all”
In August 2019, the Finnish government announced it would change the salary structure of 700 of its packaging and e-commerce workers, effectively slashing wages by 30 to 50 percent.
After months of little progress in negotiations with the government, the Finnish Post and Logistics Union (PAU) called a strike against Posti, the government’s mail provider, and nearly 10,000 of the mail operator’s workers walked out in solidarity on Nov. 11. The work stoppage halted all paper mail delivery in the country, as postal workers held the line in support of their 700 brother and sister union members. After two weeks of the strike with the Finnish government still refusing to offer an acceptable resolution to restore affected employees’ wages, Finnish workers from other industries struck in solidarity with the postal workers. National airline Finnair was forced to cancel almost 300 flights when the country’s airport workers’ union joined the strike. Additionally, the Finnish Seafarers’ Union threatened to stop all passenger and cargo vessels, .
The strong solidarity from workers in other industries across Finland was shared by the general public with 60% approval across Finland, The solidarity strikes and public support was overwhelming, and led to a resounding victory for the postal workers. On Nov. 27, the government announced it would not re-classify the 700 workers and would keep them under their current collective bargaining agreement, protecting their wages until at least 2022. The fallout for the government officials approving the initial scheme began swiftly. On Nov. 29, Sirpa Paatero, Finland’s minister in charge of state-owned companies, resigned followed by Prime Minister Antti Rinne who resigned on Nov. 31.
Rinne was replaced by 34-year old Sanna Marin, who became the world’s youngest Prime Minister. After taking office, Marin quickly began advocating for a shorter work week in the country. The strike was wonderful display of unity, militancy and solidarity, the Finnish workers showed the power of the working class. Not only did they win the just demands of the postal strike, but their struggle, with the support of the people, brought down the entire anti-worker government, which was then replaced by one which was more pro-worker. This major victory in Finland – achieved by a movement in support of only 700 workers.
Established in 2009, the Zone to Defend (ZAD, or Zone a Défendre) is a French blockade movement that, by 2018, successfully stopped the construction of the proposed Grand Ouest Airport in Notre-Dame-des-Landes, near the city of Nantes. The construction would have caused environmental, and social damage to the land. Hundreds of people moved onto La Zad to stop the construction and in doing so, had built homes as well as a communal, anti-capitalist, and ecological way of life. The infrastructure found at La ZAD was extensive, from community meeting and banquet halls, a radio station, a weekly newspaper, and extensive farms and gardens. La ZAD had also grown to feature a wide variety of collectives, from farmers who had lived on the land for generations, to those who came experiment in new forms of life. A massive autonomous city with no government, included people from all walks of life; from anarchists, anti-capitalists, and environmentalists, to biologists, educators, farmers, and a large assortment of concerned citizens and community members.
Tractors operated by farmers throughout the ZAD-NDDL had been mobilized as reinforcements to create barricades for protection. In 2016, tens of thousands marched onto the territory and placed spears by the thousands into the ground in a statement that should the State move to evict La ZAD, that they would return to defend it. In January of 2018, it was then announced that the State would abandon the construction project. Also thanks to the Zad, the spotted salamander a native local found throughout the land, was protected.
The Yellow Vests movement is a protest movement where bright yellow vest are chosen as "a unifying thread and call to arms" because of their convenience, visibility, ubiquity, and association with working-class industries. Originally, the yellow vest protesters were people from rural areas who have to drive long distances as part of their daily life. They said they couldn't afford the hike in fuel prices. The first major protest occurred on November 17, 2018, with over 280,000 people participating across France. On November 2018, a list of 42 demands was made public and went viral on social media, becoming a structuring basis for the movement, covering a wide range of topics, mostly related to democracy, and social and fiscal justice.
Several years of repeated mass demonstrations, widespread direct action, blockades, actions, and connections across movements (climate justice, social justice, anti-racism) would follow – more often than not in the name of social justice and the right to a good and dignified life. On December 2018, Macron announced a series of economic measures, including a minimum wage increase, to appease protesters. the protests led to positive changes, such as increased government spending on social programs. The protests influenced future movements, such as the pension reform protests in 2019 and 2020, which saw similar tactics and demands. The movement led to increased political engagement, with more citizens participating in protests and public debates such as The "Great National Debate" resulting in over 10,000 meetings and 1.9 million online contributions, reflecting the public's desire for greater involvement in decision-making. Overall The protests inspired similar movements in other countries, including Belgium, the Netherlands, and Canada. The yellow vest became a symbol of resistance and solidarity, recognized worldwide as a representation of grassroots activism.
The 2019 Gabonese protests were mass demonstrations and strike movements by teachers, university students and workers at schools in Gabon against new laws, government proposals to reduce access to student grants. Many university students were entitled to grants of around 83,000 CFA francs per month, and 65% of its recipients were aged 20 or over. The government planned to set 19 as the maximum age, as well as require high marks in examinations to be eligible. High school and university students in the capital Libreville and elsewhere walked out of class and took to the streets, One participant, Samantha, told a journalist that she found the "reform particularly unfair to the working classes". In response, the government shut down all schools in the country. Massive street protests against further reforms spread to major cities surrounding the capital, Libreville. Protesters marched in April 2019, leading to protest rallies and inspiration of student protests in other cities. In response to the mass protest movement and wave of strike unrest, until the government, withdrew from the law, backtracked and agreed not to implement the changes.
Created in 1998, Brainforest's initial aim was to protect the Koungou Falls (Ivindo River) in north-west Gabon, threatened at the time by the construction of a hydroelectric dam to supply the Belinga iron ore mine. The founder of BrainForest Marc Ona Essangui led efforts to expose agreements behind a Chinese mining project in Gabon, that threatened equatorial rainforest ecosystems. Deep inside Gabon's rainforest, is a sacred place bathed in a permanent rainbow. The breathtaking Kangou Falls have inspired awe among the local pygmy and Bantu ethnic groups for centuries. They believe that many of their ancestors originated in these frothy pools, explains Marc Ona Essangui, an environmentalist who has been jailed for his fight to protect Gabon's rainforest. Because of Marc Ona’s efforts, the mining project is now on hold, the area to be affected by the dam has been substantially reduced, and to assure environmental protection, two representatives from Environment Gabon monitor the project. This represents an unprecedented victory for civil society in Gabon.
Since then, Brainforest's work has extended to the global governance of natural resources. Issues relating to forest protection, land tenure, transparency, the rights of local communities, indigenous peoples and environmentalists, as well as the equitable redistribution of revenues from the exploitation of natural resources, remain at the heart of our action and commitment.
The Gambian Revolution took placeafter almost a decade of building momentum, Gambians seized a crucial window of opportunity in 2016 to overthrow a notorious dictator Yahya Jammeh. The revolution began with preceding efforts of many activist groups such as Activista The Gambia, a national youth network — trained thousands of youth on movement building, strategic campaigning, and good governance. Under an iron-fist rule, the use of training was a strategic predecessor to action, as it enabled youth activists to organize small-scale campaigns on land rights, women’s rights, and education that slowly challenged existing power structures. These efforts built momentum and prepared organizers to seize the moment when the opportunity would arise for a more significant transformation
In April 2016, a street protest demanding electoral reform was declared illegal and brutally dispersed by the regime. The regime’s brutality sparked anger, leading a major political party, and masses of people, to take to the streets to demand reforms
One of many significant actions that showed the creativity of the post-April mobilizations was the calabash (aka kalama) revolution, where women from rural areas protested with calabashes — traditional bowls that symbolise sharing. The calabashes signified that leadership too should be shared, and that then President Yahya Jammeh should not be the only person drinking from the leadership calabash. Such actions drew heavily on local culture, tradition, and history, linking the protests to symbols in which Gambians took pride in.
Fear and intimidation among people were widespread, making it difficult for the national coalition defending the elections to mobilize in large numbers. To enable Gambians to overcome their fear, activists organized photo and short video actions asserting that #GambiaHasDecided.
The courageousness of the activists in openly demanding their constitutional rights, despite the risk involved, encouraged fellow citizens to follow suit. The widespread support for political reform had been invisible, until people-powered actions exposed how massive it truly was. They determined that Jammeh could not hold his ground without the support of his ministerial cabinet, because a convened government gave him legitimacy. The mission ran an intense phone banking tactic demanding the ministers resign. The callers also told the ministers that they had a choice to make: Join the revolution, and remain safe and at home, or side with Jammeh against the revolution, and be forced into exile when Jammeh loses. The tides turned, and 90% of Jammeh’s ministers chose to resign.
Jammeh capitulated power a few days later and fled into exile in January, 2017
GambiaHasDecided was a platform that helped amplify the voice of the Gambians during the political impasse and was the catalyst that helped in restoration of our democracy. The success of this movement left an indelible mark in Gambia’s political history and has spawned a culture of activism amongst the youth, who truly are the vanguard of the movement.
The Rose Revolution or Revolution of Roses was a nonviolent change of power that occurred in Georgia in November 2003. The event was brought about by widespread protests over the disputed parliamentary elections and culminated in the resignation of President Eduard Shevardnadze, which marked the end of Soviet-era leadership in the country. The revolution derives its name from the climactic moment, when demonstrators led by Mikheil Saakashvili stormed the Parliament session with red roses in hand. The Rose Revolution is remembered for its impact on Georgian politics, paving the way for a more democratic governance style, despite the challenges that followed.
After years of democratic backsliding, increasingly oppressive legislation, and cozying up to corrupt Russia, in 2024 Georgians once again take to the streets their desire for change. The final straw appeared to be the parliament elections won by the ruling Georgian Dream party, which many believe were marred by fraud, and the government's decision to pause the country's EU accession process until 2028. The Georgian Dream party's rule has been marked by the development of closer ties with Moscow and the introduction of a number of repressive legislations that mimic that of Russia. Relations with the EU, as well as with Ukraine, had deteriorated. Opposition parties claimed the vote was rigged with ballot stuffing, intimidation, and other irregularities and said the election was stolen. mass demonstrations erupted. The protests spread beyond the capital, with demonstrations in at least eight cities and towns.
Protests became rich in symbols The most frequently used symbols in these rallies are padlocks and corridors of shame. The first was used several times when opposition activists tried to shut state buildings with padlocks and chains in the capital and other cities across the country, such as Mtskheta, Zugdidi, Poti, Telavi and Ozurgeti. According to perpetrators, “padlock symbolizes the fact that these Offices are no longer functioning.” Sometimes this activity becomes an amusing job for protesters: by going to seal government offices with padlocks and chains to disrupt, both symbolically or literally, the work of authorities, activists force police to follow them around with bolt cutters. In one case, after chaining and padlocking one of Parliament gates, the perpetrators passed the key to the people, demonstrating that people are the source of Parliament and have all the right to lock and/or unlock Parliament gates.
The protests reflect widespread frustration among Georgians who overwhelmingly support EU integration. The outcome of Georgia’s protests will have significant implications for its democratic future and geopolitical alignment. The government’s 2025 trajectory risks turning Georgia into a proxy of Russian influence, similar to Belarus under dictator Aleksandr Lukashenko. However, the strong public desire for EU integration suggests that the struggle for democracy is far from over. The protests in Georgia matter not just for its people yet for the broader struggle between democracy and authoritarianism. They reflect a fight for sovereignty, self-determination, and the values of liberal democracy. The fate of Georgia may set a precedent for how nations on the periphery of great powers navigate their paths. For now, the people of Georgia remain steadfast, holding the line for a future they hope will align with Europe and the principles of democracy.
in 2015 More than 30,000 demonstrators gathered in Frankfurt, Germany, for three days of protest under the slogan "Blockupy Frankfurt!"--with the goal of blockading the European Central Bank and sending a message that the people of Germany stand with the people of Greece and southern Europe against austerity and economic blackmail. Protests and blockades, speeches and street theater pursued. Blockupy's goal: To draw attention to ECB policies which have favored the rich over the poor, the banks over the people, the creditor class over debtors - policies that have amounted to bailing out irresponsible financiers at the expense of ordinary citizens. The organization describes itself as a broad Europe-wide movement whose aim is to "build democracy and solidarity from the bottom up". It's against the economic policy stance of most current eurozone governments, which Blockupy describes as 'austerity,' or a push for balanced budgets at the expense of the poor and middle class. A specific example of austerity policies Blockupy condemns is the harsh budget restraint imposed on Greece since 2010. Groups ranging from Germany's radical left to the French anti-globalization network Attac had planned to erect large tents in Frankfurt's city center to hold public events and offer organizing space for activists. Unprecedented levels of repression and violence by the police ensured that public sympathy was with the movement and not the police. The demonstration sent a signal that Germany's left is part of a united movement in Europe opposed to the austerity measures of the European Union and the International Monetary Fund, and hopefully will mark the beginning of a much larger push for an alternative vision for the continent. The Left's bloc at the demonstration was loud and colorful, and clearly demonstrated that the Left Party is a party of and for the movement. Many prominent party members spoke and were received warmly by the crowd.
On July 12, 2024, organized labour announced an indefinite nationwide strike in Ghana, yet it only lasted for a day to meet the strike's demands. The industrial action was in protest of the proposed sale of 60 per cent shares in some hotels owned by the Social Security and National Insurance Trust (SSNIT) to Rock City Hotel, which belongs to Minister of Agriculture, Dr Bryan Acheampong. The strike threatened to shut down crucial and essential services across the nation as organised labour includes doctors and other health workers, teachers, civil and local government workers, judicial service workers, and others. The strike caused the prospective investor, Rock City Hotel, to officially withdraw its proposal to buy a stake in the four hotels a few hours after the strike announcement, a victory for the hotel strikers.
The global financial crisis that erupted in 2008 as an outcome of a corrupt international financial system, led the country’s economy into a downward spiral characterized by deep recession. This, in turn, resulted in escalating tensions between the government and society. Frustration, economic hardship and social disenchantment particularly started building up following the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding between the Greek government and the newly established Troika (ECB, European Commission, IMF) in May 2010.
Large demonstrations and general strikes organized by trade and labor unions almost on a weekly basis constituted the main expression of public disappointment. Social mobilization was revitalized upon the announcement of the signing of the mid-term program of fiscal consolidation, including complementary austerity measures, agreed between Troika and the center-left PASOK government. By that time, public frustration and indignation with the political system (trade unions being part of it) coupled with the formation of the “indignados” movement in Spain, marked the diversification of modes of protest in Greece and the introduction of the Square movement of Indignant Greeks
During the first two weeks of June a rapidly increasing number protesters (reaching 200.000 on June 5th) gathered at Syntagma (Constitution) square opposite to the Parliament on a daily basis and demonstrated peacefully. The movement resulted in mounting social pressure that, in turn, caused the gradual fragmentation of the government during the period preceding the voting of the mid-term program in the Parliament. Protesters was related to the lack of trust to the country’s political personnel as well as the government’s lack of legitimacy for proceeding with harsh austerity measures fostered by the unloved Troika of lenders. The social geography of the crowd was highly diverse. It largely comprised of unemployed youth and students who saw a grim future ahead of them, leftist intellectuals, public servants and pensioners whose income decreased rapidly, and business owners who suffered from the lack of liquidity and the unstable and hostile business environment that resulted from government.
The protests resulted in the daily formation of ad hoc open councils (based on the pattern introduced by Spanish indignados) which discussed courses of actions and aimed at fostering direct democratic procedures. The upper square individuals clearly separated themselves and most of them would be heading home by the time the councils were brought to session (9 pm). This underlined a conceptual differentiation between groups that strived to organize themselves in order to challenge the functioning of the system and the others that primarily protested their declining living standards with the prospect of moderating their income losses.
The square movement in Greece, it should be noted that their contribution to enhancing the role of civil society has been important. The interaction between people of different backgrounds, the communication of ideas and the familiarization of many with the importance of demonstrating for a fair cause may have increased impact on the level of social control and pressure exerted towards elites.
Even more importantly, the mass participation of the youth in the particular protests opened a window of opportunity. It is possible that despite the bitter dissolution of the movement in June 2011, the bulk of demonstrators will cherish the times they spent at Syntagma while deeming their contribution rather positive in terms of public mobilization, externalization of their condemnation of government policies and, therefore, diminishment of the political system’s legitimacy.
In 2025, about 57,000 people live in Greenland, 50,000 of whom are Inuit.
While Denmark's colonial policies may seem like relics of the past, recent incidents signal the continuity of systemic discrimination. The story of a Greenlandic Inuk woman in Denmark whose newborn baby was forcibly removed from her in November 2024 by Danish social services has drawn international attention and sparked fierce protests in both Greenland and Denmark.
The protests also highlight the disturbingly high proportion of Greenland Inuit children in Denmark who are removed from their families by the Danish child welfare system. These children face linguistic and cultural assimilation, risking the loss of their identities and heritage.
The use of FKU, also known as the parenting tests, is a prime example. These psychometric evaluations are designed within a Western framework and then used to assess whether parents are fit to retain custody of their children. For Greenlandic parents, the tests have proven devastating tools of Inuit cultural cleansing.
On Jan. 17, 2025, a landmark agreement was reached between Denmark and Greenland to cease the use of FKUs for Greenlandic parents. This included establishing a specialized unit to address Greenlandic cultural contexts in child welfare cases. Instead, such cases will be handled with the help of a special unit which has Greenlandic cultural expertise. The government has also reportedly agreed to reassess cases where psychological tests may have led to an unfair removal of Greenlandic children
Grenada Land Actors, a volunteer organization dedicated to sustainable development and transparency, has been uphill battle against powerful forces in Grenada. Their struggle began in 2019 when they raised concerns about three major tourism developments on sensitive ecological sites approved without proper environmental impact assessments or public consultation.
Despite their tireless efforts to engage the decision makers– attending consultations, attempting to engage in dialogue, and delivering a petition signed by over 6,000 stakeholders – GLA’s concerns were dismissed. Left with no other option, they turned to the courts.
This legal battle has been long and taxing, but GLA recently celebrated a preliminary, yet crucial victory. In October 2024, the Eastern Caribbean Supreme Court of Appeal ruled that, the case could proceed and that GLA’s standing—its right to challenge the developments—would be decided at trial.
GLA’s fight resonates deeply with other grassroots organizations across the Caribbean facing similar challenges. Too often, communities are shut out of decision-making processes, their voices silenced by powerful interests. This case reminds us, that legal action, though cost, time and energy prohibitive for small grassroots organizations, such as many of ours, can be highly effective, not only in achieving justice in individual cases but also in setting precedents that pave the way for greater environmental protection and community participation across the region.
March for Democracy in 2023, was a historic grassroots mobilization stopped the nation's corrupt elites from consolidating authoritarian rule in what could have spelled the demise of democracy in Guatemala. The triumph of the Guatemalan people’s movement in defense of democracy is all the more extraordinary because it was led by Indigenous peoples, youth, women, workers, urban poor—those who’ve been ignored and oppressed for centuries by the neocolonialist powers they now defeated at the polls. The mobilization began after Bernardo Arevalo, the son of a former president and candidate of a relatively new and small party called Semilla, unexpectedly beat the candidate of the ruling elite, Sandra Torres. The Pact of the Corrupt, as these elite interests are known, controls most courts, and had twisted the laws and regulations to eliminate candidates it considered a threat, but Arevalo flew in under their radar. His surprising first-round win, confirmed in the second round, sent the elites into a panic. The historic grassroots mobilization stopped them from consolidating authoritarian rule in what could have spelled the demise of democracy in Guatemala. corrupt judges and conservative members of Congress attempted to annul the elections, criminalize Arevalo and other party leaders, and block the transition of power. The crack in the system that opened up when the Pact of the Corrupt lost the presidential election became a floodgate. Traditional forms of indigenous organization that evolved despite centuries of neocolonial rule provided the strategic and logistical backbone Within this deeper movement, women shown as leaders and support systems, for sustaining the protests and the spark of hope for a better future.
The FNDC (National Forecast for the Defense of the Constitution) Movement is a Citizen Movement for the Defence of Human Rights and for the Promotion of Democracy, a civic group that has led to a series of demonstrations on October 2019 in Guinea to protest against the amendment or adoption of a new constitution that led President Alpha Condé to a Third Presidential Mandate. On a scale of unprecedented for decades, these demonstrations, which take place in the capital, inside the country, and internationally in several countries to the call for the national coordination of the movement. FNDC is committed Defending and promoting democracy and human rights The mission of the FNDC remains the defence of fundamental values. Human rights, democracy and public freedoms.
Guinea-Bissau has the world’s highest proportion of mangrove coverage at 9% of its national territory, making these coastal forests vital to both the environment and local communities. Despite losing nearly a third of its mangroves over the past 80 years, a grassroots revolution led by national organizations has been working to restore these critical ecosystems since 2016. Operating in the southern part of the country, particularly around Cantanhez National Park, close to the border with Guinea, these organizations partner with international organizations such as Wetlands International to identify sites, mobilize communities, implement best-practice restoration and conservation actions, and monitor progress. The initiatives focus on creating natural conditions for mangroves to regenerate rather than simply planting trees. This approach combines environmental restoration with community development through savings groups and economic opportunities, creating a sustainable model that benefits both people and nature. And grassroots organizations not only facilitate the restoration but also create a ripple effect across the region, inspiring others to take similar steps and thereby creating a network of restoration initiatives that scale upward to larger conservation goals.
Red Thread is a women’s organisation based in Guyana aimed to offer greater opportunities for grassroots women. Red Thread started with embroidery classes,.Founded in 1986 by a group of middle class Caribbean women, the organisation worked to transform their lives by helping to improve economic security, tackle violence against women and children, and strengthen their participation in politics during a time when Guyana was racially divided and economically poor.
Red thread is an anti-racist organization that defends the rights of women, speaks out against violence against women, and attends to the very basic needs of its constituency – literacy, help during floods, transportation — everything from helping mothers budget for food to advocacy and protest. They explain their project as twofold: Bringing together low-income Guyanese women of African, Indian, and Indigenous descent, across race divides; and Developing the skills, information, and other resources they need to understand and contest the inequalities that oppress grassroots women.
Wapichan Women’s Movement (WWC) was founded in 2017 and it is led by a working group consisting of 10 Wapichan and Macushi women of various ages and experiences, from across the Wapichan Wi’izi community, who have been involved in community organizing, capacity-building and livelihoods projects. WWC represents the interests of women and its mandate is to bolster the role that indigenous women play in protecting the land and natural resources, retaining cultural identity and addressing the social issues affecting indigenous women’s rights. WWWM empowers women across Wapichan Territory by providing information and training on human rights, women rights, the right to justice and leadership skills. Their workshops are spaces where women can share their experiences and feel free to talk. For women to trust each other more and speak more freely among themselves. The aim of the workshops is to empower women and girls across the territory, to equip them with leadership skills and to build their capacities. This way, they can take up leadership positions and have a voice when decisions are made at a community level – and if they’re chosen, they can represent regionally and even internationally.
After the devastating earthquakes that have ravished the country of Haiti, people came together to understand that they not only were living in a natural disaster, though a social disaster too
On April, 2018, 153 organizations, community networks, rural and urban groups, and their leaders and organizers from almost every corner of Haiti descended upon Port-au-Prince, the nation’s sprawling and earthquake-ravaged capital, to hammer out the final details of a national platform spelling out the path that the country must take in order to move forward. Called the ‘Kaye Nasyonal Revandikasyon’’ (‘National platform working document’), this 113-page master plan clearly articulates what is needed for Haiti to advance in all the social, economic, cultural and political spheres of life. “Yon lot Ayiti Posib“ (Another Haiti is Possible) is a popular slogan that captures the hope and immensity of the vision.
The comprehensive populist platform represents six years of grassroots organizing and strategizing. It includes specific solutions and programs that the nation must do to reverse the ‘extreme misery’ that successive corrupt and ineffectual governments have handed to the majority of the nation’s people. From massively replanting trees throughout this 98% deforested country, land reform and increasing public investment in family farmers, to protecting farmers from food dumping by foreign countries and elevating women’s rights and status, the platform heralds a complete transformation from neglect and chaos to common sense. For many of the leaders gathered, this document outlines everything the nation must do to fulfill the dreams of the 1804 Revolution when Haiti became the first and only Black nation in the Americas to successfully rise up and expel the white French slavers. Given that the vast majority of Haitians are farmers, the major focus of the platform rests firmly on elevating family farmers and rural communities. The Platform’s devotion to the people’s
welfare stands in stark contrast to the corruption and chaos of successive national governments in Haiti.
National Front of Popular Resistance (FNRP) The National Front of Popular Resistance (FNRP) emerged out of the opposition to Honduras’s 2009 coup and quickly developed into the largest social movement in Honduran history. It was—a large, broad-based coalition with a presence throughout the country’s regions. The resistance, as it is popularly known, is the result of a dynamic, inter-generational convergence between “new” and “old” social movements: Loosely organized into collectives at the local and regional level, the resistance includes a rainbow of movements: union activists, teachers, lawyers, artists, indigenous and Afro-indigenous villagers, small farmers, LGBT activists, and human rights defenders, with ideological tendencies ranging from the center left to the far left. United in their opposition to the coup, resistance members also oppose Honduras’s corrupt and deeply conservative political system, which is tightly controlled by the country’s wealthiest families in tandem with the leadership of the nearly indistinguishable Liberal and National parties.
The leadership of the FNRP was initially led by traditional-sector men. But groups like the Garifuna Black Fraternal Organization of Honduras (OFRANEH) and indigenous Lenca-led Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), along with feminist and LGBT groups, joined the leadership—representing a radical step toward moving people on the margins to the center. The newer social movements, forced the more traditional sectors be questioned and reassess their strategies. The presence of women at all levels of the resistance is profound and unmistakable. Early on, women leaders founded Feminists in Resistance, a national coalition whose members include representatives from all the women’s groups in the country as well as from non-women-identified groups. In its first communiqué, the group made clear its intervention within the mostly male-led resistance leadership, but it also reflected a commitment to create a united front, bringing together many organizations that had never collaborated before.2 Feminists in Resistance demanded and earned a place for women as leaders, not just as workers and protesters, and the traditional movements recognized they could not do without them.3
FNRP paved the paved the way for a new political party: “Libre” “FREE” in Spanish) In the months that followed, dissenting voices were submerged in a tidal wave of support for LIBRE. Bright red LIBRE caps, T-shirts, and banners were on display in communities all over the country. Hundreds of thousands of LIBRE supporters participated in party primaries in November 2012 and elected Xiomara Castro, wife of Zelaya and prominent resistance figure, as their presidential candidate. As the electoral campaign hit full swing, it seemed that victory was inevitable, with nearly all major pollsters putting Xiomara in the lead. However unfortunately During the elections, there were the many irregularities and rigged outcomes reported by hundreds of independent electoral monitors, and instead the Neo Liberal ‘National Party’s Juan Orlando Hernánde
was announced the winner. Even though, what FNRP created did not win an election that first time. They created a movement so enormous and so strong that eventually The Libre Party and The movement’s chosen resistance figure Xiomara Castro succeeded in becoming the 39th president of Honduras in 2022, the country's first female president, and an enormous ray of hope opened up for the Honduran people.
Hungarian Foundation for Self-Reliance (Autonómia Alapítvány in Hungarian).
The foundation has helped to reinforce the overall process of democratisation in Hungary after the Communist era by supporting activities concerned with the environment, minority rights, poverty alleviation, and the promotion of civil society and democratic processes at a grassroots level. The Hungarian Foundation for Self-Reliance has since become a leader in the empowerment of Roma within the East European region. It has also given about 400 grants to grassroots organisations, thus reinvigorating Hungarian civil society. HFSR has pioneered the idea of helping the Roma develop their entrepreneurial skills so that some, at least, can acquire know-how, self-reliance and resources which will help their communities as a whole
Iceland was unique in that, proportionately, it suffered the worst during the 2008 crash. It was also unique in that, unlike most other countries – who bailed out their banks and took care of those responsible – it used the opportunity to fundamentally change the way in which its banks did business. A relatively small number of citizens – about 6,000 at Althing – had succeeded in bringing fundamental change to a flawed system. People started to gather in front of the Parliament building, banging pots and pans, shouting and making noise demanding that the Government should step down, the Director of the Central Bank should be fired and those who suffered the consequences of the bank crash should not be made to bear the losses, rather the bankers and financial speculators responsible for it to happen should. They also demanded a new Constitution replacing the existing one written by the once ruling Danish king. On January 23rd Geir Haarde and his entire Government resigned. On April 25th general elections took place leading to the formation of a coalition Government with the Social Democratic Alliance, the Independent Party and the Left Green Movement. The Director of the Central Bank was fired. Groups were formed assisting people that were about to lose their homes, others gathered around the homes of the bankers and businessmen demanding that they pay for the damage they caused. Some groups started to look for alternative economic models and financial system. An organization was formed to promote Real Democracy which put forward proposals of many radical democratic changes to the Committee which was writing the New Constitution, but few of those changes were included. An organization was formed called “Siðbót” or “Morality” actively supporting issues of human rights and the claims of the people. In the summer of 2009 an organization named “Alþingi götunnar” or the “Parliament of the Street” was formed. This informal organization consisted of the most active grass root organizations and political groups of the revolution, amongst them, the Humanist Party. This organization had a meeting in front of the Parliament every Saturday from autumn 2009 until spring 2010 with demands of compensation to families and individuals who suffered from the Crash and to reject the claims of the British and the Dutch to pay for the banks blunders.
The anti-corruption movement was the sequence of protests in India in 2011. The movement called for a regulation mechanism against corruption from the political parties in India. On 5 April 2011, the protest gained momentum when Anna Hazare went on a hunger strike at the Jantar Mantar in New Delhi. Anna Hazare, a follower of Gandhian principles, opted for fasting unto death and demanded the enactment of the long pending Jan Lokpal Bill (Anti-Corruption Law) a bill, which aimed to create an independent institution to investigate corruption cases. The anti corruption movement was considered to be a milestone in the constitutional history of India forcing the government to accept civil society’s demand to have a say in drafting the stringent anti-corruption law, the Lokpal Bill. Interestingly, the movement also successfully galvanised mass support and enticed the media took up the topic so much so that today corruption is highlighted as a major social issue in India, after remaining invisible for decades after Independence.
One remarkable trend that the moevement exhibited is the shift in the nature of the social movements in India from being predominantly rural to now including urban citizens. The major combatants of the Anna campaign are educated and urbane. Hence, this movement as well as similar citizen’s protests, with the educated and conscious youth at their centre demanding accountability and governance reforms has enough potential to make democracy more inclusive and participatory The initiative brought together a huge number of people, making it a one-of-its-kind event in decades. It was also one of those rare events that demonstrated what is possible if the world’s largest democracy woke up to take the reins in its hands In India, corruption goes beyond an individual level and can be found in almost every institution. Hence, it needs to be curbed under the law for the smooth functioning of the system. Due to Anna’s anti-corruption movement, few things changed for the better. Many firms involved in corruption came to light in the 2G scam. Companies will find it tough to benefit from corruption due to the Lokpal bill. In Karnataka, one of the country’s fastest-developing states, a Lokpal inquiry revealed a corrupt nexus between politicians and corporations, causing a Chief Minister to resign. Anna’s movement has brought corruption to the forefront of the political conversation in the country.
in 2006, hundreds of villagers peacefully occupied marble mining sites in weaving protests, which stopped the destruction of sacred forestland on Mutis Mountain on the island of Timor in Indonesia. Anchoring the Indonesian western half of the island of Timor is Mutis Mountain, an area of rich biodiversity. Perhaps more importantly, it is home to the headwaters for all of West Timor’s major rivers, which supply drinking and irrigation water for much of the people on the island. Despite the violent intimidation, the movement grew to include hundreds of villagers. It culminated in a weaving occupation, It culminated in a weaving occupation, during which 150 women spent a year sitting on the marble rocks at the mining site, quietly weaving their traditional cloth in protest. The Mollo people rely on forest resources for their livelihood needs, including food and medicinal products. Soil is considered to be the source of life, and the crops that grow in the rich mountain soil the embodiment of their ancestors. Natural dye is collected from forest plants, to use in their traditional weaving—a skill that women in these villages have crafted for generations. Because women were traditionally responsible for foraging food, dye, and medicine from the mountains, it was important for them to lead the campaign. In a remarkable role reversal, while the women protested at the mine, the men provided domestic support at home—cooking, cleaning, and caring for the children. In the face of the villagers’ peaceful and sustained presence, marble mining became an increasingly untenable endeavor for the companies involved. Public awareness of the weaving occupation was growing, and Indonesian government officials took notice. By 2010, the mining companies, reacting to the pressure, halted mining at all four sites within the Mollo territories and abandoned their operations.
The Women, Life, Freedom (WLF) movement in Iran, which began in 2022 after the kidnapping beating and murder of Mahsa Amini by Iran’s “morality” police, has grown into a powerful symbol of resistance against the country’s authoritarian regime. Over the past two years, the movement has expanded from challenging mandatory hijab laws to a broader campaign for civil rights, uniting diverse groups within Iran and garnering substantial international support. Despite harsh crackdowns, the WLF continues to drive cultural and social shifts, pushing for personal freedoms and igniting hope for lasting change in Iran.
One of the most remarkable outcomes of the Woman, Life, Freedom protests was the unification of the Iranian people. The protests spread to more than 160 cities across Iran, from major metropolises like Tehran, Mashhad, Isfahan, Tabriz, and Sanandaj to smaller towns and border villages. The movement quickly crossed regional boundaries, drawing in diverse groups such as women, students, workers, and ethnic and religious minorities. One of the most profound effects of the Woman, Life, Freedom protests was the awakening to the depth and extent of discrimination against women and the call for women’s rights. From the early days of the protests, images emerged of women and men, who typically adhered to the Islamic Republic's prescribed appearance, standing against mandatory hijab laws and the suppression of protesters. Many of these individuals, despite their religious beliefs, opted to change their appearance in solidarity with the movement, not wanting to be seen as supporters of the Islamic Republic.
The WLF movement sparked a significant shift in social practices, particularly regarding the hijab. Observers note that many women in Iran, especially in urban areas, are choosing not to wear the hijab publicly. This signifies a notable departure from pre-movement norms and suggests a degree of societal acceptance for challenging mandatory hijab laws. The movement’s success in pressuring the Iranian government to reconsider its approach to enforcing the hijab law is a beacon of hope. The government’s reluctance to strictly enforce the law, despite maintaining it, indicates a degree of success for the movement in compelling the state to adopt a less confrontational approach. This also points to a growing awareness within the Iranian government of its vulnerability and the potential consequences of excessive force, signaling a potential shift in the regime’s stance. The WLF movement unified Iranians across different social strata in a way unprecedented in recent history. This unity is rooted in the movement’s central message of “Women, Life, Freedom,” a slogan that resonates with a broad spectrum of Iranians seeking greater social, political, and personal freedoms. This broad-based support is crucial for sustaining the movement and challenging the government’s efforts to portray it as a fringe or foreign-backed phenomenon.
The movement engendered a new awareness among Iranians about their rights and the potential for change. The widespread participation in protests and online activism signals a collective awakening to the possibility of a different future for Iran. This newfound awareness, especially among younger generations, could be instrumental in shaping the country’s political and social landscape in the years to come. The WLF movement has garnered significant international attention and support, which has been instrumental in amplifying the voices of Iranian protesters and increasing the pressure on the Iranian government to address human rights concerns. However, this international support must be carefully navigated to avoid the perception of foreign interference, which the regime often exploits to discredit the movemen
On October 1, 2019, a broad-based protest movement demanding systemic political reform took hold in Iraq. Activists dubbed their movement “Tishreen” from the Arabic word for October. The demonstrations blasted the government’s shortcomings in dealing with public services, electricity shortages, rising unemployment rates, corruption, sectarian politics, and the security crises deriving from activities by paramilitary groups affiliated with certain political parties and regional powers. Although the protests were mainly in Baghdad and the southern provinces, they represented a cross-sectarian and nationwide upheaval. The protests persisted, peacefully forcing a change of government, the passage of a new election law, and the scheduling of early elections — set to take place on October. The Tishreen protest movement alone was able to pressure the government of former Prime Minister Adel Abdul-Mahdi to resign in late 2019, followed by the formation of a new government led by premier Mustafa al-Kadhimi in May 2020. It also achieved an extraordinary electoral reform that allows voters to vote for more candidates by breaking down 18 electoral districts into 83 and force early elections in October 2021. Despite the challenges and obstacles the movement has faced, including delayed governmental reforms, political violence, intimidation by militias, and the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, Tishreen is one of the most consequential actors in Iraq’s political landscape.
Together for Yes (TFY) is an abortion rights campaign group in Ireland. The group is an umbrella organisation, bringing together over 70 diverse civil society bodies. The core member groups with representatives are The National Women's Council of Ireland, The Coalition to Repeal the 8th Amendment, The Abortion Rights Campaign, The Irish Family Planning Association. TFY campaigned successfully for a Yes vote in the 2018 referendum to ratify the Thirty-sixth Amendment, which removed the Eighth Amendment's constitutional ban on abortion in Ireland.
Rabbis for Human Rights’ is a group that combat settler violence, known for dispatching volunteers to act as human shields to protect the Palestinian olive harvest from vandalism and assault by settlers living on nearby land. The frequency of settler attacks on Palestinian communities has risen, and the danger for Palestinian farmers tending their olive trees has increased. The settlers, often in military attire and armed with government-issued weapons, have been frequently attacking Palestinian communities, leading to casualties and fatalities. activism on behalf of universal human rights to the rabbinic concept of tikkun olam, a concept in Judaism, which refers to various forms of action intended to repair and improve the world. Arik Ascherman the founder of Rabbis for Human Rights attributes his interest in activism on behalf of universal human rights to the rabbinic concept of tikkun olam, a concept in Judaism, which refers to various forms of action intended to repair and improve the world. Where necessary, Rabbi Ascherman is willing to put his body on the line, and The volunteer effort of Rabbis for Human Rights encompassed 40 villages to give protection to the Palestinian farmers.
In 2006, Rabbis for Human Rights, the Association for Civil Rights In Israel, and five Palestinian local councils won a landmark Israeli High Court case requiring Israeli security forces to allow and protect the access of Palestinian farmers to all of their agricultural lands. Ascherman called the ruling a “gold standard,” because it demanded that Israeli soldiers not only allow Palestinian farmers through checkpoints to get to their land, but also protect them in areas where they might be in danger. It further stipulated that Israelis must stop uprooting Palestinian farmers’ trees and that those who perpetrate the act must be brought to justice.
'Breaking the Silence', is a group of Israeli veterans who are working to dismantle the traditional narrative put forth by their own military establishment, to confidentially recount their experiences in the Occupied Territories. Former soldiers founded the organization in 2004 after realizing they shared deep misgivings about what they had seen and done while serving in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Gvaryahu, was one of many who felt a moral obligation to present the truth, and over the past decade, Breaking the Silence have collected, fact-checked, and published over a thousand testimonies from soldiers of ranks high and low, in order to educate the Israeli public about conditions in these areas. Currently the director of public outreach, In 2011, Avner Gvaryahu, the director of public outreach for ‘Breaking the Silence’ worked as a tour guide for the non-profit, showing visitors the impact of the occupation in the West Bank. Gvaryahu has spoken out against Israeli military campaigns in the occupied territories, such as raids on the West Bank's Jenin refugee camp. To this day, He has clarified that he does not believe what the Israeli military has been doing after Oct/7/2023 in the occupied territories constitutes self-defense.
Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD) was created to resist the Israeli policy of demolishing Palestinian homes in the Occupied Territories and to organize Israelis, Palestinians and international volunteers to jointly rebuild demolished Palestinian homes as political acts of resistance (ICAHD has rebuilt 189 Palestinian homes). Jeff Halper, the founder of ICAHD was nominated for the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize for his work "to liberate both the Palestinian and the Israeli people from the yoke of structural violence" and "to build equality between their people by recognizing and celebrating their common humanity."
Assemblea Sociale per la Casa (ASC) or Social Assembly for the House, a housing community that focuses on finding homes for Venetians who have to leave their residences due to the rising cost of rent. People who lose their homes can count on ASC to locate uninhabited, abandoned or dilapidated spaces, repair them for occupancy and move them in. The occupations are considered illegal, and Ussardi is proud of what ASC does. “We do not steal the house from anyone – we chose apartments that have been abandoned for years. ASC also works with residents to block evictions.
In six years ASC has taken over 70 apartments, all of them in Cannarego and Giudecca, another working class neighbourhood; they now host 150 people, including families, singles and young couples.
In essence, ASC not only lobbies the government for fairer housing practices they apply a communal face to the crisis in a kind, unconventional approach to ensuring shelter for the people of Venice. This uncommon approach from a nonprofit focused on ending the housing crisis in Venice is providing necessary housing assistance to citizens who otherwise would not have a roof over their heads. Ussardi is an inspiring example of a citizen taking action to solve a crisis that the government has overlooked.
Sistren Theatre Collective Is an independent women’s organization over four decades old, which uses artistic expression as a means of inciting social change, continues to address issues of gender-based violence, gender equality, youth violence prevention, and cultural preservation led by Finikin. The executive director said the organization's latest projects since the pandemic have been addressing crime and domestic violence issues in several communities. The organization has also been working with local councillors, churches, Woman Inc Jamaica, and other stakeholders in the communities through the distribution of care packages to community members who are in need, and assisting the elderly to get their medication, taking them to the doctor, and picking up groceries for them.
Jamaicans for Justice (JFJ) is a human rights and social justice organisation. JFJ serves hundreds of Jamaicans each year by providing legal services in response to human rights violations, working on legislation and policy, campaigning for social justice causes, and conducting high-impact research that shape the national human rights agenda. In a historic victory for Jamaican human rights. On July 9, 2020, Attorneys-at-Law from Jamaicans for Justice filed writs of habeas corpus, calling attention to violations of civil liberties in the Supreme Court. And the Court ruled that detentions under State of Emergnecy SOE to be unlawful, unconstitutional.
Kingston and St Andrew Action Forum (KSAAF). Bringing together local groups of community activists under the slogan “better communities, better Jamaica”, KSAAF works to combat armed violence in some of the most dangerous areas in Jamaica through social interventions including awareness raising, education and reintegration programs. These programmes include the Peace Cup, Guns off the Street Campaign, Town Hall Meetings, and Summer Camps.
Afer the 2011 Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster Japan saw the beginning of a new era of activism. Anti-nuclear protests started on March, 10 days after the great earthquake. A young man stood in front of the headquarters of the Tokyo Electric Power Company, the owner of the Fukushima nuclear plants, shouting ‘Genpatsu iranai!’ which essentially translates to “We Don’t Need Nuclear Power. Ignited by his action, a series of anti-nuclear demonstrations expanded across the country. In July 2011, the Hidankyo, the group representing the 10,000 or so survivors of the atomic bombings in Japan, called for the elimination of civilian nuclear power. At one time, 170,000 people took part in the protest people took to the streets in downtown Tokyo. The Friday anti-nuclear demonstrations in front of the Prime Minister’s residence (Kantei-mae) have occurred weekly since March 2012. However, the activists' claims are not narrowly limited to such energy issues. They called for a fundamentally fairer society and propose alternative ways of life. As a result, Prime Minister Yoshihiko and the Japanese government announced a dramatic change of direction in energy policy, promising to make the country nuclear-free by the 2030s. There will be no new construction of nuclear power plants, As of March 10, 2020, out of Japan's 56 nuclear reactors, 24 are due to be decommissioned.
SEALDs (Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy) was a student organization founded in May 2015 as part of the protest movement against Shinzō Abe and his government’s legislations to reinterpret the Japanese Constitution to allow Japan to engage in collective self-defense on behalf of its allies, e.g., the United States. Japan was rocked by its largest anti-war demonstrations in over fifty years in the summer and fall of 2015, and SEALDs quickly grew in significance creating new life into Japan’s anti-war movement and into mass movements to maintain Japan’s peace constitution in the current form. SEALDs activities ranged from holding demonstrations, protest rallies and marches, organizing study groups and talk events, to creating booklets, pamphlets and videos, using social media. They also moved around the country to support various movements and candidates, such as the protests in Okinawa against the US military base and the Hokkaido by-elections in April 2016. Future protests and anti-war movements in Japan will draw inspiration from SEALDs as they craft their own mass movements.
The teacher protests in 2019 created the longest strike in Jordanian history. During September 2019, 140,000 teachers who were a part of Teachers Syndicate, a Jordanian teachers’ union, led a strike against the government demanding increased wages for their work. Rallies and sit-ins took place. And The Jordanian Teachers' Union called for a nationwide strike. The strike had a high impact on Jordanian society and also received great support from many people in the society who encouraged the protests. 4,000 schools took part in the strike. and disrupted schooling for more than 1.5 million students. The strike ended on 8 October, after one month, with a successful compromise for teachers, in which the government explained that teachers nationwide would see a minimum wage increase based on their tenure and position as educators, a 35-75 percent increase has been secured depending on the ranks of the teachers . The head of the teacher’s union called it a “historic agreement”. These actions showed that the people of Jordan prioritize education, and educators are making it known that the first step towards better national education is fair compensation for those who begin the education in the classroom.
Despite facing systemic repression, Kazakhstan’s feminist movement continues to make an impact. Activist groups employ diverse strategies, from grassroots legal aid to digital advocacy. 'Feminita' a Kazakhstan queer-feminist human rights organisation works to protect the rights of women and the most oppressed groups in Kazakhstan (lesbians, bisexuals, queer and trans women, women with disabilities, and women engaged in sex work) Feminita monitors discrimination and hate crime based on sexual and identity gender in Kazakhstan, and also conducts training sessions and lectures and online feminist discourse in women’s. Another feminist group, Kazfem organizes annual women’s marches in Almaty (Kazakhstan’s largest city), and establishes reliable sources on domestic violence statistics helpful for women going through domestic abuse and violence. The Ne Molchi foundation, which provides legal and psychological support to victims of violence, has helped sentence 239 offenders and assisted over 35,000 victims of violence. Protests, despite government opposition, remain a vital tool for raising awareness and demanding change. Their resilience reflects the ongoing struggle for gender equality in the country. Meaningful change depends on perseverance and also on the support received within and beyond Kazakhstan. Every act of advocacy for women’s rights strengthens the movement, gradually pushing society toward justice and equality.
The Green Belt Movement (GBM) is an environmental organization that empowers communities, particularly women, to conserve the environment and improve livelihoods. GBM was founded by P in 1977 to respond to the needs of rural Kenyan women who reported that their streams were drying up, their food supply was less secure, and they had to walk further and further to get firewood for fuel and fencing. GBM encouraged the women to work together to grow seedlings and plant trees to bind the soil, store rainwater, provide food and firewood, and receive a small monetary token for their work. Since 1977, hundreds of thousands of women have become involved and over 5,000 nurseries have been established. The Green Belt movement has worked with communities to plant more than 51 million trees in Kenya. Also the Movement played a critical role in Kenya's fight for a multi-party democracy.
In June 2024, Kenya experienced a pivotal moment of civic resistance, as widespread protests erupted in response to the proposed Finance Bill introducing significant tax increases on essential commodities such as bread, fuel, and mobile money services. The movement, largely driven by Generation Z activists, mobilized rapidly through social media platforms, culminating in mass demonstrations across Nairobi and other major cities. On June 25, tensions reached a climax when protesters breached Parliament following the bill’s controversial passage. In the wake of national and international outcry, the movement forced the President William Ruto to concede to public pressure, withdrawing the Finance Bill, dissolving his cabinet, appointing four members of the opposition Orange Democratic Movement to his cabinet, and initiating dialogue with the youth to address their broader grievances regarding governance and economic inequality. The events of 2024 marked a generational shift in Kenya’s political landscape, where young people, through both digital activism and physical mobilization, demonstrated an unprecedented capacity to influence national discourse. This moment signaled not just a protest against a single piece of legislation, though a broader call for structural reform, setting a new precedent for civic engagement in Kenya and across the region.
Kiribati is a low-lying island nation situated in the central Pacific Ocean, notably vulnerable to the effects of climate change. Kiribati Climate Action Network (KiriCAN), became the nation’s first climate change advocacy group. The KiriCAN team visit local communities and invite them to learn more about caring for their environment and the looming threat of climate change through education and entertainment. KiriCAN addresses climate change through the actions of the people of Kiribati, their elected representatives and employers, with Active participation in local, regional and international climate change negotiations. Kirican takes action through mobilizing a genuinely inclusive civil society process at all levels, and through Holding global institutions and the private sector accountable for their actions and ensuring they respond to social and environmental concerns.
On May 17th, 2005, Kuwaiti women gained suffrage after more than 40 years of struggle. The women used a wide variety of approaches to achieve their goals, including lobbying, introducing repeated legislation, protests, demonstration, marches, rallies, and mock elections. Like many women’s suffrage movements around the world, the Kuwaiti women escalated their actions and campaigns, shifting from legislative and legal efforts into nonviolent direct action. In March of 2005, after highly visible and captivating actions, 1,000 demonstrators gathered outside of the Kuwaiti parliament to continue their demand for basic voting rights. Many women wore pale blue to represent the struggle for suffrage, leading to the moniker, “The Blue Revolution.” The Persistence of Kuwaiti women’s efforts lead to the Kuwaiti parliament finally passing the long-awaited suffrage bill, granting women the right to vote and run for elected office.
"Irhal" translated, in English, as "Leave", is a song by the Egyptian musician Ramy Essam, released in 2011. It exhibits poetic lyrics which illustrate the public's frustration towards the dictatorial regime. “We’re all one hand and we have one demand Leave Leave Leave...The people demand The fall of the regime” The song famously became the anthem of the protest during the Arab spring. From 2006 to 2012, Kuwait had major social movements calling for reforms: Nabiha Khamsa in 2006 followed by the Irhal movement, a series of 2011–2012 demonstrations, rising in response to both the corruption and poor performance on the part of the prime minister Nasser Al-Mohammed and the government. The movement increasingly gained traction in 2011 after the emergence of another scandal when al-Muhammad was accused of bribing legislators for the second time. As a reaction, the movement mobilized tens of thousands of people in front of parliament on November 27, 2011. In response to protests, al-Muhammad resigned the next day. These events coincided with the Arab Spring and might have ended up strengthening the movement, making Kuwait one of several countries affected by the Arab Spring to experience major governmental changes due to unrest.
Girl Activists of Kyrgyzstan, is a creative arts group for girls in Kyrgyzstan. The group hosts monthly movie screenings of films that focus on girls’ rights. They also provide training in different art forms and empower girls to use digital storytelling tools to share their experiences. The group has a blog called ‘Our Stories, Ourselves” where they collect and share stories of girls in their community. Dariya Kasmamytova, the creater of Girls Activist of Kyrgyzstan “The main things about activism is friendship. If you have a friend, even one friend who supports you and listens to you, you become strong. When the people around you stand with you, it gives you power.”
Participatory Development Training Center, PADETC, works to foster sustainable, equitable, and self-reliant development in Laos. It uses participatory learning and training of young people, civil society groups, and community leaders to become the key change agents in their communities, with an emphasis on ecological sustainability, cultural integrity, and spiritual well-being. The center, which is entirely staffed by Lao people, has its fingers in many pies: from the production of fuel efficient stoves, to fish farming promotion, recycling, media, young volunteers in schools, and even to teacher training. Sombath Somphone the creator of PADETC played an important role in introducing the concept of Gross National Happiness into Laos.
“I Want to Help Refugees” (“Gribu palīdzēt bēgļiem” or GPB) is a movement that provides immediate help to asylum seekers, people with refugee status, and promotes their systemic integration in Latvia. GPB aims to create and implement a unified approach to social, employment and rights-based services, so that their integration into Latvian society is as easy as possible. GPB works towards building an inclusive, understanding and supportive society by advocating for the respect of human rights without discrimination, selflessly providing the necessary assistance and support to people on the move. GPB mobilizes resources during crises and in everyday, situations and creates sustainable solutions to build a fulfilling life. GPB’s also produces outreach projects like: The Living (Skill) Library to practise and strengthen skills, language and traditions between Ukrainian culture and Latvians. GPB also creates a project called Bēgļu kurpēs”(“In the shoes of refugees”), which are school educational programs and a simulation games for students to learn about the circumstances of leaving one’s homeland, crossing national borders and giving a new meaning to one’s life in a strange place.
The 17 October Protests, commonly referred to as Thawra were a series of civil protests in Lebanon that began after the Lebanese cabinet announced financial measures on 17 October 2019. These national protests were triggered by planned taxes on gasoline, tobacco, and VoIP calls on applications such as WhatsApp, but quickly expanded into a country-wide condemnation of sectarian rule, the stagnation of the economy, unemployment (which reached 46% in 2018),widespread corruption in the public sector, legislation that was perceived to shield the ruling class from accountability (such as banking secrecy) and failures of the government to provide basic services such as electricity, water, and sanitation. In response, tens of thousands of peaceful protesters took to the streets across the country calling for their social and economic rights, for accountability, an end to corruption, and the resignation of all political representatives. On the 29th of October, Prime Minister Saad Hariri offered his resignation as a concession, saying "This is in response to the will and demand of the thousands of Lebanese demanding change"
The People’s Matrix’s strategic, community-rooted advocacy has led to tangible policy reforms that have changed lives and set a powerful example for the region. The Matrix engages with traditional leaders, teachers, and government officials. Its members speak on radio and television talk shows. The group runs campaigns on bodily autonomy, and hosts community dialogues. The Matrix is led by Tampose Mothopeng (Lesotho) a vibrant transgender leader, gender and sexuality activist, an HIV educator, human rights defender. Mothopeng also recently developed a LGBTI youth network with the purpose of motivating, strengthening and building young leaders of Lesotho for a better future in Lesotho. Matrix has been using dialogue as one of their core values and strategies to achieve legislative and social reform. LGBTIQ+ communities in Lesotho continue to organize, speak out, and build alliances to defend human rights. In 2024, the parliament of Lesotho amended the Labor Act 2024 to explicitly prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and HIV status. This bold move solidified Lesotho as one of the few countries in Southern Africa to protect LGBTIQ+ people in the workplace, which was A giant step towards dignity, affirmation, and economic inclusion.
Women of Liberia Mass Action for Peace is a Liberian peace movement started in 2003 working to end the Second Liberian Civil War. The movement began despite Liberia having extremely limited civil rights. Thousands of Muslim and Christian women mobilized their efforts, staged silent nonviolence protests, including a sex strike and the threat of a stripping naked curse. The movement forced a peace talk meeting with President Charles Taylor to negotiate with Liberia and to apply pressure on the warring factions. 200 women surrounded the room, dressed in white, dominating the conversation. When negotiators tried to leave, the women threatened to take off all of their clothes. Enclosed in the room with the women, the men would try to escape out the windows. The women persisted, staging a sit in outside of the Presidential Palace, blocking all the doors and windows, preventing anyone from leaving the peace talks without a resolution. Finally their actions brought about an agreement, achieving peace in Liberia after a 14-year civil war, and later helped bring to power the country's first female head of state, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, who made women's rights one of her priorities. Her administration focused on the condition of women in Liberia and their needs.
FLay is an association for all LGBTIQA+ people in Liechtenstein and all those who want to support it energetically. Around the 60 members meet regularly for exchange and various events. FLay is actively committed to more visibility and tolerance for queer people in Liechtenstein. FLay creates space for queer people and allies to exchange ideas and support each other. Because of great advocacy for the rights of LGBTIQA+ people, same-sex sexual activity was legalized in Liechtenstein in 1989, 2000 all discrimination against same-sex sexual activity was removed from the penal code, and On 8 March 2024, same-sex marriage was legalized.
FLay is an association for all LGBTIQA+ people in Liechtenstein and all those who want to support it energetically. Around the 60 members meet regularly for exchange and various events. FLay is actively committed to more visibility and tolerance for queer people in Liechtenstein. FLay creates space for queer people and allies to exchange ideas and support each other. Because of great advocacy for the rights of LGBTIQA+ people, same-sex sexual activity was legalized in Liechtenstein in 1989, 2000 all discrimination against same-sex sexual activity was removed from the penal code, and On 8 March 2024, same-sex marriage was legalized.
In 2022, between 500 and 550 workers participated in the VVT public Transit Strike. The union was not satisfied with working conditions: shifts were too long, there was no time for lunch or even bathroom breaks, and drivers had to speed in order to keep up with their schedules. The strikers wanted to see their wages meet at least the national average, with a demand to increase wages for all employees by at least 10%. a five-day working week and a guaranteed 30-minute lunch break after five hours of shift. After much persistence an agreement was reached. This is the only truly successful strike in Lithuania and it may affect how company employees defend their rights in the future Another thing, this strike showed that positive benefits can be achieved only through workers not giving in to all kinds of temptations and pressure from the employer. Only thanks to the unity of the workers, such a victory was achieved.
In Luxemburg, homosexuality was criminalized until 1979. However, societal attitudes shifted and advocacy groups emerged. Rosa Lëtzebuerg is an LGBTIQ+ organisation, defending the interests and rights of the LGBTIQ+ community since 1996. Rosa Lëtzebuerg organised what in 2018 became the Luxembourg Pride. In 2023, the association opened the Rainbow Center, providing a safe space for the LGBTIQ+ community to organise activities that make queer culture more visible. CIGALE (Collectif d'Initiatives Gay et Lesbiennes) played a crucial role in promoting LGBTQ+ rights, offering support for the community, organizing pride events, educational campaigns, protests, and raising awareness of discrimination, marriage equality, and adoption rights. A major milestone for the LGBTQ+ rights movement in Luxembourg was same-sex marriage legalization in 2015, which marked a significant step toward equality in a predominantly conservative society. Following this, the government initiated reforms to ensure LGBTQ+ individuals could adopt children, further solidifying their rights. The movement has continued to advocate for comprehensive anti-discrimination laws and societal acceptance, emphasizing the importance of visibility and representation for LGBTQ+ individuals in all spheres of life.
In 2011, with a grassroots rebellion and foreign intervention, the Libyan people fought to end the totalitarian brutal regime and build a new future. Unlike rebellions in Tunisia and Egypt, Libya’s conflict was more like a conventional war than a series of protests. After demonstrators were met with brutal violence and live ammunition from Gaddafi’s forces, rebels armed themselves, took control of Benghazi and launched attacks on Gaddafi strongholds in the rest of the country. The rebellion began with poorly trained young men taking leave from office jobs to drive pick-up trucks, mounted with jerry-rigged heavy weapons. Yet with time, and foreign training, the rebels became a reasonably effective militant force. The Misrata militia, one of the most powerful and influential, became a crucial force in the fight against Gaddafi. The National Transitional Council (NTC), the umbrella group for rebel fighters led by defectors from Gaddafi’s government, gained recognition in western and Arab capitals. The Libyan rebellion led to the killing of Gaddafi in October 2011, and the NTC replaced the regime. After which, advances were made in Libyan women’s capacities and resources to mobilize freely. In 2012, Libya saw its first democratic election, prompting the Libyan Women’s Platform for Peace to rally around a campaign that advocated for an increase in women’s representation in parliament, which successfully increased the women seated in the constitutional assembly.
Eko-Svest Center for Environmental Research and Information, safeguards North Macedonia’s national parks and cultural heritage from large infrastructure projects, encourage citizen participation in the country’s national energy strategy, and promote sustainable transport, waste management, and energy sources. Ana Čolović Lešoska, the creator of Eko-Svest Centeris a biologist who since 2011 led a seven-year campaign to cut off international funding for two large hydropower plants planned for inside Mavrovo National Park—North Macedonia’s oldest and largest national park—thereby protecting the habitat of the nearly-extinct Balkan lynx. "I felt that it was a matter of injustice, it's not as if a meteor dropped on the middle of the park and destroyed the lynx, it's a decision... It was a decision by the banks to contribute to the extinction of the Balkan lynx.” said Ana Čolović Lešoska. While seven months pregnant, Lešoska went door to door in the villages near Mavrovo informing locals about the impacts of the projects. And successfully convinced the Government of North Macedonia to suspend further work on dams in the national park. Finance for the hydropower project was withdrawn, and its loan was canceled.
Lemurs are one of the world’s most endangered group of mammals. In fact, in 2025, 98% of lemur species are at risk of extinction and 31% are critically endangered. Yet together with communities in Madagascar and protection and conservation is persistent. The Lemur Conservation Network (LCN) unites over 60 conservation organizations and connects them with people around the world. LCN support this network through communications, education, and the empowerment of Malagasy organizations and individuals. Members of the network all work closely with local communities in Madagascar.
Malawi’s Girls Empowerment Network (GENET) and Let Girls Lead girls are community groups in Malawi that help to keep girls in school and raise awareness of their rights. Created my chil rights activist, Memory Banda, who has collaborated on a story telling project were young girls shared their experiences, dreams and challenges they face through different forms of art and theater. Malawi has one of the highest child marriage rates globally, with 38% of girls married before the age of 18. Child marriage is a violation of human rights, with negative impacts on girls, including interrupted education and heightened risks of poverty, violence, and health complications. Through much advocacy, the legal marriage of children has been raised to 18, Girls Not Brides Malawi, the National Partnership of civil society organizations are working together to end child marriage in Malawi, remaining committed to working with the Government of Malawi to ensure effective implementation of the National Strategy to End Child Marriage.
Justice for Sisters is an LGBTIQ and gender-diverse human rights group in Malaysia, work repealing Malaysia’s discriminatory laws against transgender people and provide support services to transgender people, sex workers and people living with HIV. Justice for Sisters won a major legal battle in 2014 when the Court of Appeal upheld their challenge of a Sharia law targeting transgender people. The Court of Appeal struck down the law, observing that it contravened constitutional provisions that guarantee personal liberty, equality, freedom of movement, and freedom of expression. This was seen as a watershed moment for transgender rights in Malaysia.
Coalition Lampogno is an environmental conservation organization. a coalition of environmental justice organizations seeking to end the illegal rosewood trafficking in Madagascar. Despite being made illegal in 1975, the exportation of rosewood runs rampant as the bright red bark is highly sought after for luxury products. The struggle to combat rosewood trafficking, is consistent, and activists are continuing their fight to protect this precious tree and forests of Madagascar, and will continue on.
Abahlali baseMjondolo (The Residents of the Shacks) is a movement of the poor in South Africa. An autonomous, democratic, membership-based social movement comprising more than 150,000 members, operating in 93 branches in 4 provinces, committed to building the democratic power of the oppressed from below, and using collective strength to create a world in which land, wealth and power are shared fairly. Abahlali baseMjondolo politics is rooted in a universal commitment to affirming and defending human dignity as we struggle for land and housing, to foster communities of care, self-nourishment, and solidarity.
FeesMustFall was a student-led protest movement that began in mid-October 2015 in South Africa. The goals of the movement were to stop increases in student fees as well as to increase government funding of universities. Protests started at the University of Witwatersrand and spread to the University of Cape Town and Rhodes University before rapidly spreading to other universities across the country. Students across the country united to demand free and decolonized education. “Fees Must Fall” also engaged in solidarity struggles including the fight to #EndOutSourcing, which addressed the demands of underpaid university cleaners, chefs, and gardeners for decent wages. After
The Movement succeeded in causing the The 2015/2016 tuition hikes were scrapped only to be re-announced for the academic year that followed, sparking another wave of protests in 2016 and 2017, leading the government to eventually concede to the students demands. The government announced that poor and working class students would have access to free higher education.
The Garden of Rebirth is a women’s empowerment center, which assists women and their children who are sufferers of gender-based violence, to reach their full potential in a safe, nurturing and empowering environment. The center is dedicated to advocating for all victims and related issues around gender-based violence.
Girls Of A Feather was founded in 2014 as a youth-led club for adolescent girls. Girls Of A Feather is now one of the premiere girl-centred mentorship agencies in St. Lucia, creating avenues for girls to access mental health and child protection services, participate in networking opportunities and attend leadership trainings on gender justice. Inspired by the need for more supportive environments, we established an organization grounded in the values of respect, inclusivity, and compassion. To advocate for and on behalf of women and children who are victims of gender-based violence and injustice. To provide quality, compassionate and nonjudgmental services in a manner that fosters self-respect and independence in women and children experiencing gender-based violence, and to lead the struggle to end this brutality through advocacy and community education. Since its creation, 3,000 + women and children victims have received food support through our Food Box Program. Over , 100 victims have been assisted with utility and rent expenses for their households, along with school supplies for their children in the past year through our fundraising efforts. And more than 35 special needs children have received monetary support toward education through our service.
Snails without shells, On the night of Aug. 26, 1989, an estimated 50,000 people laid down on straw mats in the middle of Zhongxiao E Road, the main throughway in Taipei's bustling East District. It was the most expensive area in Taipei at that time, dubbed the "Golden Mile" by the media. Protesting the nation's skyrocketing housing prices, groups put on performances such as a "Monopoly Dance" (referring to the board game) mocking land speculators and a play where a superhero defeats evil real estate price gougers. While many participants went home shortly after midnight, several hundred spent the night in front of Dinghao Plaza. The protesters called themselves "snails without shells" , which became a symbol for the battle against housing prices that is still used to this day. Unaffordable housing remains a serious issue, and in May of last year 250 protesters paid tribute to the original "snails" by taking turns sleeping in 50 tents in the East District for five straight days. n April 2014, 10,000 participated in a camp-out on Zhongxiao East Road that was dubbed as a second Snails Without Shells camp-out.
Taiwan's 2014 Sunflower Movement unleashed a wave of youthful activism that has profoundly reshaped the island's political landscape, showing how activists can effect change through elections. Sunflower Movement is the largest student movement since the Wild Lily Movement in 1990. In 2014, from March 18 to April 10, hundred of student broke into the Taiwan Legistlative Yuan (equivalent to the US Capitol) while thousands joined in support outside the building. demanding that lawmakers reconsider a trade deal they were about to ratify with China. This was a protest to the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) that was passed by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT). While there are many reasons that this movement gained support, the outcome of this party gave rise to a new generation of Taiwanese youth that cared more about Taiwan. The trade agreement was never ratified. The opposition Democratic Progressive Party, which favors Taiwan's sovereignty from China, won local elections in 2014, and the presidential election in 2016. They recently won an unprecedented third term in Taiwan's presidential election in January. China is still Taiwan's biggest trading partner. But Taiwan's exports to China are falling amid a Chinese economic slowdown. Taiwan is also prioritizing increased investments and exports to Southeast Asia, the US and Europe.
Richie Israel, 2021